-Caveat Lector-

The War Against Life

by Butler Shaffer



It is interesting to observe so many Americans trying to find "meaning" in the Bush
administration’s war against an endless parade of "enemies." From Afghanistan to Iraq 
to
North Korea, the state continues to concoct "threats" for the consumption of a public 
that is
neither empirically nor analytically demanding. The media are quick to play their 
assigned
roles, providing state-generated "information" and self-styled "experts" to convince 
the rest of
us that everything the White House tells us is "just so," and that anyone who dissents 
from –
or even questions – the state’s purposes or policies is likely an apologist for 
terrorism!

The state’s ability to gull most of its citizens into an acceptance of politically 
defined reality
has been made possible by one of the few successful state institutions: the government
school system. Contrary to those who look upon government schools as failures, I have 
long
regarded them as shining accomplishments for state purposes: to produce herd-oriented
men and women incapable of making independent judgments, and who are thus prepared
to submit to external authorities for direction in their lives. In the words of Ivan 
Illich, "[s]chool
is the advertising agency which makes you believe that you need the society as it is."

Almost all graduates of government schools share an ignorance of the nature of social
institutions. The study of such fields as history, economics, and government have long 
been
confined to a compilation of names, dates, organizational descriptions, and other
disconnected data; but with little genuine critical analysis that would call into 
question
institutionally accepted political or social doctrines. I suspect that the typical 
government
school alumnus is more adept at spotting politically incorrect rhetoric, or putting a 
condom
on a banana, than he or she is in explaining the causes or consequences of World War I.
While most haven’t the slightest understanding of how political systems actually 
operate,
they have learned their catechisms about the virtues of "democracy" (i.e., the 
illusion that
they and a friend have twice the political influence of David Rockefeller)! While the 
bald eagle
does represent the predatory nature of the state, I believe it is time to adopt a 
national
symbol that more accurately reflects the mindset of most Americans: the parrot!

Of course, it is not in the interests of the state – or of those who profit from 
statism – to have
the nature of political systems explored; for to do so, might cause even the 
institutionally-
deferential students to catch on to the vicious game being played at their expense. It 
is not
enough to understand that the state often resorts to war: war is its fundamental 
nature.
Every political institution – from the local Weed Control Authority to the United 
States of
America – depends, for its existence, upon men and women being conditioned to submit to
the force and violence exercised by government authorities. The state is nothing more 
than
institutionalized violence that we have become conditioned to revere.

Herein lies the fundamental distinction between the marketplace and political systems: 
in the
marketplace, people are persuaded to cooperate and exchange with one another in
anticipation of being rewarded for doing so. Political systems, by contrast, induce
participation in their schemes through compulsion. In place of rewards, threats to the 
loss of
one’s life, liberty, or property are held out as the consequences of disobedience. I 
have
always found it remarkable that so many men and women are prepared to distrust any and
all businessmen – whose appeals, in a free market, they are free to ignore – while 
trusting
even the most corrupt or cruel politician – whose demands they fail to meet at their 
peril.

But how do political systems secure such servility to force and violence? Why would
otherwise intelligent human beings submit to such an abject condition? The state 
operates
on the basis of the most inhumane and anti-social premises – behaviors that we insist 
upon
criminalizing if done by private parties – and yet we tell ourselves that we cannot 
live well
without such brutal practices. Why?

Much of the explanation, I suspect, is to be found in our sense of fear: both of 
ourselves and
others. Having been institutionally trained to distrust our capacities for 
self-directed lives,
while having unfailing confidence in the judgments of institutional leaders, most of 
us have
grown up fearing our own sense of responsibility. To be free is to be accountable for 
one’s
actions. But it is not to others that we fear accountability, but to ourselves. In the 
words of
Epictetus: "It is a man’s own judgments which disturb him." The state is as eager to 
relieve
us of this sense of disquiet as most of us are to give it up.

In looking to others – particularly institutional authorities – to make decisions on 
our behalf,
we unconsciously tell ourselves, they can become responsible for the adversity that 
befalls
us! We are not responsible. We are victims of the failures of others! If fifty years 
of smoking
has given me lung cancer, it is the fault of the cigarette companies in producing the
cigarettes! If our children grow up to be crude or unfocused adults, it is not due to 
examples
we set as parents: the fault lies with rock music or television! We tell ourselves 
that the state
can rectify all of this. But if the state is to enjoy surrogate responsibility, it 
insists upon having
control over our activities, an authority men and women are increasingly willing to 
cede to
political agencies, lest the specter of self-responsibility reemerge.

But we have also been conditioned to have a fear of others. The state would be unable 
to
exist were it not for our being frightened that there are other persons in the world 
who mean
us harm, and that only our submission to the authority of political authorities can 
protect us
from such threats. For its own well being, the state must generate and nurture this 
mindset,
something it has done since primitive tribal leaders warned their fellow tribesmen of 
the
"Nine Bows" who lived on the other side of the mountain. The current "war on terror" 
reminds
us of something every child learned while listening to ghost stories at night around a
campfire: threats can be made even scarier as the fear object becomes more amorphous
and ubiquitous. The hazier the definition of the bogeyman, the more our mind fills in 
the
frightening details.

What would be the likely consequences, to the state, of a condition of universal peace,
wherein men and women no longer lived under state- induced fears of one another? That
question was the subject of inquiry for a book, published in 1967, titled Report From 
Iron
Mountain on the Possibility and Desirability of Peace. This book purports to have been 
the
results of a secret government study, begun during the Kennedy administration, on the
effects that peace would have on political systems. It is now generally regarded as 
having
been a work of fiction, but that should not distract our attention from its 
importance. Let us
recall that the fictional works of Orwell, Huxley, Kafka, Rand, and even Shakespeare, 
have
told us more about the nature of political systems than have most political science PhD
dissertations!

War, the report informs us, "is the basic social system," and "the end of war means 
the end
of national sovereignty." Because "[a]llegiance requires a cause," and "a cause 
requires an
enemy," the "war-making societies require – and thus bring about – conflicts." A 
condition of
universal peace, in other words, would be fatal to political systems. This is the same
meaning one finds in Randolph Bourne’s observation that "war is the health of the 
state."
But the health of the war-making system, the report goes on, "requires regular 
‘exercise.’" It
is not enough to just have the capacity for such systematic violence; deadly force 
must be
employed with sufficient regularity to keep a nation’s subjects in awe of the powers 
of life and
death held by the state over their lives. This is why, particularly since 1941, the 
United
States government has managed to involve itself in one military campaign after another
throughout the world.

The "enemies" singled out by a state must be made plausible to the ovine herds who are 
to
be rounded up and driven by their political leaders. The Soviet Union served this role 
nicely
for some four decades but, alas, showed their poor sportsmanship by dropping out of the
game. A new enemy had to be found, and it was part of the alleged purpose of the Report
>From Iron Mountain to indicate some alternative "enemies" should the then-existing 
>ones no
longer be available. From environmental pollution to threats from interplanetary 
invaders to
ethnic minorities, the report indicated various "alternate enemies" that could be 
employed to
maintain political power in an otherwise peaceful world. It was only essential, the 
report
emphasized, that the threat be one that could be rendered believable to the public, 
even if it
be one that the state, itself, would have to secretly engage in for purposes of 
plausibility.

You may recall the various candidates offered up for our consumption following the 
collapse
of the Soviet Union: child abductors, drug dealers, pornographers, Satanists, sexual
predators, rock music (particularly that which purported to have hidden Satanic 
messages in
the lyrics!), religious fundamentalists and, the apparent winner:  international 
terrorism. All
that was required was to make the threat believable – which events of 9/11 did – and 
the
state could not only continue to enjoy its wartime powers over the American people, but
could actually expand upon them far beyond what had existed during previous wars!

It is ironic that, not so many months ago, the present-day fomenters and conductors of 
the
"war on terror" were parading under the banner of being "pro-life," particularly as 
such was
useful in their campaigns against abortions. But the use of state power – especially 
in the
conduct of wars – is anti-life, for it is premised on the exercise of force against 
people. To
compel others, through threats and violence, to behave differently than they would have
acted in the absence of such coercion, is to deny the self-directed nature of all 
living
systems. Through the use of force, we become servomechanisms, objects, the dispirited
automatons implicit in the institutionalized job description "human resource manager."

Many years ago, I saw a photo exhibit at a museum in which a scientist reported on his
efforts to examine, under a microscope, the eye of a mosquito. He reported that, for a 
while,
the eye was ablaze in brilliant shades of orange and green. But then, the mosquito 
died, and
the eye became black; the fire had gone out. What a perfectly sad metaphor for what we
have allowed human systems of control to do to the spirit that is innate within each 
of us.

We must understand all of politics – no matter  in what nation it is practiced – as a 
system
that wars against the very nature of life. Politics cannot be eliminated by force – 
for to do so
would only imply an even mightier amassing of power than what is in place. Neither can 
it be
reformed, the effort to do so being as absurd as trying to practice a peaceful form of 
warfare,
or a humane system of tyranny. It can only be transcended, a process that can only 
begin by
each of us ending the divisions and fears that our political masters have carefully
conditioned us to accept. When we discover peace and order within ourselves, we shall 
then
withdraw our energies from the sanctified hostilities and confusion that are 
destroying life.

January 7, 2003


[EMAIL PROTECTED]
Butler Shaffer [send him e-mail] teaches at the Southwestern University School of Law.

Copyright © 2003 LewRockwell.com

http://www.lewrockwell.com/shaffer/shaffer34.html
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