The Geography, History and Politics of Salt in Goa By Reyna Sequeira sequeira_re...@yahoo.co.in
Geography The State of Goa lies on the south west coast of India and its geographic position is between the latitudes 14°53'54" N and 15°40'00" N and longitudes 73°40'33" E and 74°20'13" E. To the north lies Sawantwadi taluka of Sindhudurg district and the Kolhapur district, both of Maharashtra State. To the east and south lie Belgaum and Uttara Kannada districts of Karnataka State. Goa is surrounded on the east, north-east and south-east by the sub-mountainous region of the Sahyadri ranges. It comprises an area of 3702 square kilometers and is ensconced in the ecologically-sensitive hilly Western Ghats of India. Goa is bounded on the west by the Arabian Sea. Goa is situated in the coastal belt known as the Konkan. The palm fringed coast is interrupted at places by the sparkling estuaries of the Mandovi, Zuari and a number of other small rivers (Bhandari 1999: 7). This closeness to the coast is not incidental in the development of the traditional salt industry here. The salt industry in Goa first developed more than a thousand years ago. The area we today know as Goa in fact had virtually a complete monopoly over salt production in the region. Today, Goa's coast extends over 105 kilometers from Tiracol in the north to Galgibag in the south. This coastline is conducive to this sector as salt is extracted from the freely available saline sea-water. Not all the villages that have been known for their traditional salt production carry out this activity currently. In Goa, salt is produced in four talukas i.e. Pernem, Tisvadi, Bardez and Salcete taluka. Of the coastal talukas, salt is not produced in Mormugao, Quepem and Canacona. Goa's Riverine System and Salt: Goa has an extensive riverine system, which drains major parts of its lands. The rivers are perennial in nature, and good sources of transportation. This riverine system is relevant to the economics of both the fishing and the salt industry of Goa. Salt making basically thrives on the tidal influence which occurs twice a day in the estuarine rivers, and Goa has a number of these estuarine rivers, hence significant salt production has taken place here over the centuries. Elsewhere in India, rivers such as the Ganga, Mahanadi, Godavari and Cauvery have no estuaries, but are delta rivers and a result of which no salt production takes place there. Goa's waterways have always been the main means of communication from the sea and to inland settlements. These waterways developed Goa's fishing industry, its transport and the systems of defensive forts (Rao 2003: 4). The four talukas -- Pernem, Bardez, Tisvadi and Salcete -- are separated from each other by rivers descending from the Western Ghats. In Pernem, the salt pans are situated on the banks of the river Tiracol. Pernem also has the river Chapora to the south. Salt pans in the taluka of Bardez are on the banks of the river Baga at Arpora. In Tisvadi taluka, the salt pans are located on the banks of the river Mandovi in Panaji, Ribandar, and Santa Cruz and on the banks of the Zuari river at Siridao, Curca and Batim. Salcete lies south of Tisvadi and is separated from this taluka by the river Zuari in the north and from its neighbouring eastern and southern regions by the river Sal. History of Salt Salt has played an important role across human history. No substance other than water has been used with such regularity as salt (Petch 2006:2). The value of salt was probably known long before humans began to write their history. Given its socio-cultural importance, many questions arise when one undertakes a study of the salt makers. Who produces salt? How is it produced? Why is salt produced? When is it produced? How is salt sold? What has been the economic history and relevance of salt to Goa? Behind all these questions lie socio-cultural dimensions, many still not adequately understood. Salt extraction in Goa was discovered when sea-salt formations on rock and cliffs and encrustations left by receding salt-water on land were noticed by primitive man. The secret of salt making was monopolised by the ‘Shamans' of the ancestors of the Mithgauda community of Goa. Primitive salt works probably began in the late megalithic period in the South Konkan, Goa, Gokarna and Kumta. From these works salt trails were laid out to the ghat areas for marketing surplus salt. Halts on these trails became salt-camps and, later on, nuclei of trading post (Mhamai 2000:11). As the rest of India, Goa too has been a witness to the Aryans entry from the north and their settling down in the region. At a later part, the Aryans descended into the Konkan area and Goa (Bhandari 1999: 135). There still exist some tribes who were the original settlers much before the Dravidians entered and occupied the Konkan region. It is not certain whether, or which of, the tribals were the original inhabitants of Goa (Saldanha 1952: 3). Goa went through a natural evolution with other tribes coming in, subjugating the locals and imposing their imprint. The Asuras probably came from Chota Nagpur region in eastern India. They brought in their deities with them. The Asura tribes were subsequently subdued by the Kol tribe who also brought in their own deities and modified those of the Asuras, It was around 3,000 BC, soon after the Kols, that the Mundaris and the Kharwas came to Goa from the same area as the Asuras. It was Kols who appear to have first introduced the fertility cult as a form of worship. Their main goddess was Ro-en (the ant-hill). This goddess was later termed Santer by the Aryans and is the origin of goddess Sateri, who is still widely worshipped in Goa (Bhandari 1999: 22). The Mithgaudas of Agarvaddo worship the goddess Sateri till today. Goa under Portuguese Rule: With 451 years of Portuguese rule in parts of Goa, many locals converted -- or were converted -- to Christianity. But changing one's culture and lifestyles was not easy. Many rituals and practices associated with salt making continue till date, even in the Old Conquest areas, with some modifications. This will be discussed in detail in the empirical chapters. Goa is often perceived from the outside as being predominantly Christian. This impression probably comes about because of the area most often visited by tourists. But this perception is not accurate; and here the difference between the ‘Old' and the ‘New Conquests' comes up. At the end of the last century, out of Goa's population, some 65% were Hindus belonging to diverse caste groups, 32% Catholics and 3% belong to other religious persuasion (Bhandari 1999: 145). Census of India 2001 says Goa has a population of 13,47,668. Of these, the Hindus form the largest religious community, constituting 65.8 percent of the total population while Christians account for 26.7 per cent and Muslims 6.8 per cent of the total population. Other religious communities like the Sikhs, Jains, Buddhists, form the remaining part of the total population (Census Department, Panaji). Christians are concentrated in the Old Conquests, although even here they are not a numerical majority, except in the taluka of Salcete. Changing religious compositions in the Old Conquests have come about due to the in-migration of Hindus from outlying sub-districts into areas like Mormugao, Salcete, Bardez and Tisvadi and out-migration by Christians themselves. In contrast, in the New Conquests, some eighty five percent of the population is Hindu. These statistics are reflected in the character of the different areas (Hall 1995: 57). The salt makers of Goa are spread both in the ‘New Conquests' as well as the ‘Old Conquests'. As mentioned earlier, in the introductory chapter, the characteristics of the salt makers differ in both these areas.... The transition that occurred among the salt makers of the ‘Old Conquest' villages was different as compared to that in the ‘New Conquest' villages of Goa. I selected three villages from Goa -- two from the ‘Old Conquests' and one from the ‘New Conquests'. The differences between these areas became evident. Goa was once a prominent entrepôt of commerce between East and the West, through which merchandise was imported and re-exported. But this role dwindled with time. Salt was once a chief item of export from the Estado da India, as the Portuguese colonial State was called. In February 1808, Thomas Dineur, a long-time resident of the French territory of Mahe, requested the prominent Mhamais trading house in Goa to help Vithoba of the coastal vessel Laxmy to buy salt from Nerul village. In 1844, Goa's salt exports totaled 59,579 candi [Candi and maon are traditional measures used in areas that included Goa]. 1 khandi (or candi) is 20 kuddov. One kuddov equals eight poddi or 6 kg. A maon is 15 kg. and six maon while in 1849 it amounted to 74,284 candi (Pinto 1994: 220). Salt played a role in early Goan history. A regimento (standing order) issued to the Salcete Customs in 1619 noted Maratha exchanges with copra (dried coconut flesh), palm sugar, areca nuts and salt produced in Goa. When the Maratha ruler Shivaji established a salt monopoly in his lands and created salt depots at Manneri and Fatorpa in the vicinity of the Portuguese territory of Goa, it became difficult to find an outlet for the salt which was the main exchange commodity for Goan traders of the time. The Portuguese authorities began compelling the fisher folk of the Maratha territory who came to fish in the rivers of Chapora or Aldona to buy all the salt they required to salt the fish they caught. Besides, Sambhaji's invasion in 1683 destroyed the palm-groves and paddy crops of Bardez and salt industry of Salcete (De Souza 1979: 42-43). There were 658 salt extractors at Goa, 84 at Daman and 24 in Diu in 1850. Locally produced salt was extensively used in the fishing industry. In Portuguese India, the cooking of rice and fish demanded the use of much salt. The average need per person was a minimum of 32 lb annually (Pinto 1994: 219, 220). Celsa Pinto's study (1996) points to the adverse impact of the Anglo-Portuguese Treaty of 1878 on the Goan salt industry. While the treaty dismantled Customs barriers between the British and Portuguese colonies in South Asia, an exception was made over salt, opium, liquors, arms and ammunitions. Another treaty in 1880 placed salt manufacturing in Portuguese India under British control and supervision for 12 years. After three years, private manufacture was suppressed in all salt works except where proprietors themselves worked under the British agents. The British Government not only monitored the production, but also the supply of salt in the Portuguese dominions. (ibid: 118-120). The quota of 14 lbs of salt per person was far below subsistence levels in Portuguese Goa. The British salt monopoly adversely impacted the agrarian sector -- the mainstay of the Goan economy -- since salt was needed to increase fertility of fields and palm groves. (ibid: 122-3). The British salt monopoly severely impacted Goan society, since the quota of salt assigned to a person annually was very low, and even provoked widespread resentment and hostility in Goa (ibid: 121). The Politics of Salt Salt, industry or agriculture? Salt, as considered by the salt makers of Goa, is a part of agricultural operations. But, legally speaking, it is not. This is a delicate matter, as it could have implications for tenancy relations within the salt sector. The important question is whether salt pans could be covered under the Goa, Daman and Diu Agricultural Tenancy Act, 1964. This issue has been exhaustively and finally settled by the Supreme Court of India by the Division Bench in the case of Dharangadhara Chemical Works Ltd v/s. State of Saurashtra and others reported in AIR 1957 (Chopra 1957: 264). Salt pans do not come within the ambit of the provisions of the Agricultural Tenancy Act as they are specifically excluded from the definition of agriculture, allied pursuits, garden and land etc. ‘Agriculture' has been defined as including horticulture and raising of food crops, grass or garden produce, but does not include ‘allied pursuits'. ‘Allied pursuits' has been defined as rearing or maintaining plough-bulls, breeding of livestock, dairy farming, poultry farming etc. Garden has been defined as land used primarily for growing coconut trees, areca nut trees, cashew trees or mango trees and “land” has been defined as land which is used for agriculture. This issue is of much importance, especially because salt pans are surrounded on all sides by protective bunds and embankments. Besides, the salt pans are sometimes used for fish-cultivation during the monsoons, giving a direct practical relevance to this debate. Doubts had been raised in many quarters whether the protective bunds and embankments around the salt pans can be considered as agricultural land and the salt pans as a whole should be brought within the purview of agricultural land. Protective bunds are an integral part of salt pans without which the salt pans cannot exist. Besides, the area of the bunds form a small part of the land used for salt-extraction. However, the Supreme Court held that the salt makers are workmen, the salt pan is an industry and the salt extractors employed do the work in the industry. The Supreme Court further held that an employer-employee relationship exists. So, the Agris are not independent contractors but rather workmen. In one such case in Goa, a landlord in Batim argued that salt was an industry while the tenant contended that it was part of agricultural operations. The matter reached the court in 1978 and a decision remained pending till 2001. After over two decades, the landlord won the case as per the Supreme Court judgment of 1957. Salt pans are not included in the agricultural land since they are manufacturing lands. In the fields, paddy is grown so the product is not converted but in the salt pans the sea-water gets converted from sea-water to salt, hence it is included as manufacturing. Ironically, in spite of salt being an industry, the state of the salt industry has only worsened over time. (Chopra 1957: 264) Obstacles to Salt: Nagvenkar (1999) says salt was an important traditional industry, and that Goa's salt production could have continued to play a significant role in the economy of this tiny territory, if certain steps were taken on the production, marketing and other fronts. Among the obstacles that blocked the speedy growth of this industry, the outdated process of production of salt stands out as the most significant factor. Despite favourable natural conditions for the production for salt in Goa, the salt industry could not prosper on account of the primitive method of production which has survived till modern times with marginal changes incorporated (Nagvenkar 1999: 55, Lobo 1967: 22). Nagvenkar's (1999) study notes that during the Economic Blockade of the 1950s, exports to the Indian Union were totally paralysed, since trade with Portuguese-ruled Goa was disallowed. After the year 1961, exports of salt totally stopped. The future of salt turned bleak. Since the main importer at that time was the Indian Union, salt could also not be considered as part of exports since Goa itself became a part of the Indian Union in 1961, and any sale of salt within the rest of India would be considered domestic sales. Besides this aspect, the entire salt trade with India was in addition stopped. This was unfortunate more so given the fact that after Partition in 1947, the Kherva mine was allocated to Pakistan, and what was indeed needed was stepping up salt production for India. Goa Assembly debates (1964 onwards): To track discussions on this issue in the Legislative Assembly of Goa, I went through the legislative debates from 1964 to 1987 (when Goa was part of the Union Territory with Daman and Diu) and from 1987 till when my research concluded, covering the post-Statehood period. On April 6, 1964, the legislator from Diu said that technical guidance and co-operatives were needed by salt producers. A little earlier, on March 20, 1964, the issue of financial assistance was discussed and salt came under Item No. 63, and three units were given financial assistance. Chief Minister Dayanand Bandodkar said on April 6, 1964 that a Salt Inspector had been posted in Diu by the Government of India, to give technical guidance to salt cooperatives there. A resolution by legislator Orlando Sequeira Lobo on March 23, 1968 proposed the appointing a committee of experts to study the problems of the salt producers with an aim to improve the salt industry and expanding employment in it. Mr Sequeira Lobo said if this was done, at some or the other stage, the salt industry in Goa could flourish. His resolution read: “To improve the quality of salt produced to boost export of salt to other States and to provide the necessary technical and financial assistance to salt producers.” Speaker N.S. Fugro suggested that a government advisor be appointed for salt production. In 2008, Mrs. Victoria Fernandes, legislator of Santa Cruz constituency -- an area which includes salt pans too -- argued in favour of assistance to the Mitagars, saying they should be protected and assisted, and the damaged embankments should be repaired. In 1988, legislator Mrs. Fernandes, for the first time in the State, formed the All Goa Salt Producers Action Committee, to highlight problems faced by salt workers, claimed to number over ten thousand. As a result, the State government invited experts from Gujarat to prepare a report on Goa's salt industry. There was also a salt makers' committee in Agarvaddo called the Pernem Mith Utpadak Sangha set up for assisting of salt producers of Pernem. From the above, it would appear that the salt issue has figured only infrequently in the Goa Assembly. Corporates and Salt: Another factor is the emergence of corporate entities, whose interests and operations go counter to those of organic salt, resulting in official pressures to use factory-processed iodised salt. On May 7, 1997, the Government of Goa's Director of Food & Drugs Administration and Food (Health) Authority S.N. Tripathi notified “in the interest of public health” the prohibition of the sale of edible common salt “other than iodised salt” within the State of Goa. This had drastic consequences and effects on a large number of salt makers throughout the country, including the Mitagars of Goa. All States imposed this ban except Kerala, Gujarat and some districts of Maharashtra. The State of Goa too fell under this imposition. This ban on local salt for edible purposes and the pro-iodised salt publicity campaigns in the mass media led to a decline of local salt consumption in Goa. As one respondent explained: “Tharaav ghetlo iodine naslele mitt vaprap nam, teka lagoon ami dhandho soddlo. Mitt barfhaak, khaavdik chalta. Kampanini valor mitaacho kami kelo.” (It was resolved to disallow the use of non-iodised salt, so we left the salt making business. Salt was good for making ice. The corporates devalued our salt.) The State government issued a notice banning the use of non-iodised salt on the grounds that research and surveys had shown that many people in Goa were prone to goitre. After an agitation, the government withdrew the notification and Goans are back to their beloved salt (Alvares 2002: 158). The impact of the ban cannot be analysed, as primary data is unavailable. In Goa, itself once a prominent salt-exporting region, a large number of people today consume factory-made iodised salt brought from outside the State. The Salt Communities The Mitagars: This section focuses on the communities engaged in salt-farming in the rest of India and Goa, and gives an outline of the nature of their community and relationships. In common parlance, the people engaged in salt extraction are called Mittkaars in Goa. However, in this book, the neologism of Mitagar has been coined from two words: mitt which means salt in Konkani and agar which refers to the salt pan. The Mitagar, to me, signifies the occupational community of the salt makers found in Goa. The word agri means salt pan. It is claimed that during Emperor Akbar's reign (1542-1605), the Rajput ruler of the north-west Indian State of Mewar, Maharana Pratap fled the historical place of Chittor with his soldiers. A few of them settled down along the Luni river and started making salt (Rose: 1919). On the other hand, Sherring (1872) states that the Agri are a sub-division of the Kunbi and a subgroup of the Koli. At present, they are distributed over Rajasthan, Delhi, the Union Territory of Dadra and Nagar Haveli, Gujarat and Maharashtra (Singh 1998: 41). According to Enthoven (1990: 9), the Agris are also known as Agle and Kharpatil. They are principally found in Thana, Colaba and in the suburban areas of Bombay (Mumbai) city. There are two endogamous divisions of the caste: (i) Shudh-agris (pure agris) who are also called Mith-agris (salt makers), Jas-agris (toddy-drawers), Dhol-agris (drummers), Son-agle and Pan-agle and (ii) Das-agris (probably from dasi, a term applied by the Aryans to those of mixed descent or of a different race). The Urap or Varap-Agris or Nava-Marathas were originally Agris, but were converted by the Portuguese, before they subsequently reverted to Hinduism. They are now not recognised as Agris. The Ager of Rajasthan, also known as Agri, is chiefly distributed in Aiwar district. They claim to be of Rajput descent and call themselves Sisodia Rajput. It is believed that they migrated from the Mewar and the Marwar regions of Rajasthan. Khadiboli is their mother tongue, and they use the Devanagari script (Singh 1998: 41). In Delhi, the Agri are also known as Noongar, Kharwal or Sisodia Rajput. They migrated to Delhi from Rajasthan and are now distributed all over the city. They speak Khadiboli as their mother tongue, but are conversant with Hindi and use the Devanagari script. They are vegetarian. The Agri of Gujarat believe that their ancestors migrated from Maharashtra to Agra and only later came to Gujarat. As they first migrated from Agra, they are identified as Agri. They live in the Valsad district of Gujarat. A dialect of Marathi is their mother tongue, but they are bilingual as they also speak Gujarati and use the Gujarati script. They are non-vegetarian but do not eat beef (ibid: 42). The Agris are also distributed all over the union territory of Dadra and Nagar Haveli, the former an enclave in Gujarat and the latter wedged between Maharashtra and Gujarat. According to an account, they migrated from Agra during the Mughal period, took asylum in the Maratha State and settled there before the advent of the Portuguese. They speak Gujarati and use the Gujarati script. They are non-vegetarian; their staple diet includes rice and ragi (Singh 1998: 43). The Ager, treated as Scheduled Castes and specialised in salt work in the coastal region of Uttar Kannada district, are largely concentrated in the Kumta, Ankola and Karwar talukas of Karnataka. They speak the Kannada language and use its script. The Halakki Vokkal, a tribal community of Uttara Kannada district, consists of farmers who had joined salt making. In recent times, the Naik and other caste groups work as salt carriers or load salt in trucks or work in iodised plants (Souza 2005: 126). In Maharashtra, the Mith Gauda are called the Mitgaoda. They are distributed in the coastal belt but concentrated around Kudal, Malvan, Deogarh and Vengurla talukas of Sindhudurg district. They speak Marathi and use the Devanagari script. They are non-vegetarian; rice is their staple cereal. Surnames used by them are Gawade, Jethe, Walke, Dhotam, Nare, Phansekar, Loke, Manjankar, Raule, Pathak and Chauhan. These surnames also represent their clan names (Singh 1998: 2314). The Salt Makers of Goa: Salt making is a very ancient occupation. Many in the coastal areas have depended on salt making for their livelihood. The Mithgaudas, Gauddis and the Agris were traditionally engaged in salt making in Goa. Salt making was an inherited occupation. It was mandatory that the descendants of salt makers stick to the occupation of their ancestors. The State of Goa entirely depends upon the natural salt, along the refined factory-based salts. Naturally-extracted salt is prepared by different jatis in Goa. Today, in many parts of Goa, there are communities of the descendants of the old salt pan workers. The salt pans, salt manufacture and the salt industry are all part and parcel of the reclaimed mangrove areas (Alvares 2002:158). In the northernmost taluka of Pernem, the people engaged in salt making are known as Mithgaudas. In Maharashtra, they are known as Mithagavada. The name of the community has been derived from their occupation, as is the case elsewhere. In People of India: Goa, K. S. Singh makes no mention of the Gauddi, Bhandari, Agri and the Ager castes operating in the salt pans along the coast in Goa, but refers instead only to the Mithgaudas as being involved in this job. The Agris are the Christian salt makers and belong to the Shudra community; the Bhandaris claim to belong to the Kshatriya strata; and the Gauddis are Christians who claim to belong to the twice-born castes. Singh mentions that the Mithgaudas of Maharashtra claim that they are from the Maratha community and do not have any connection with the Gauddas of Goa. The Mithgaudas claim to be higher than the Gauddas in the social hierarchy and belong to the Kshatriya caste. In Maharashtra, they are found in the areas of Malvan, Vengurla, Deogarh, Sawantwadi and Kudal in the coastal Sindhudurg district. In Goa, they are mostly settled in the Pernem block of the North Goa district, adjacent to Sindhudurg. They are believed to have migrated from the Konkan belt of Maharashtra into Goa. They have their relations in Maharashtra (Singh 1993: 162, cited in Mitragotri 1999: 60). They speak the Indo-Aryan language, Konkani, their mother tongue (Singh 1998: 2313). The Agris of Salcete and Tisvadi talukas of Goa and the Gauddis of Bardez are engaged in the salt-extraction or are farmers and landlords. The Census of India distinguishes the Agris from the Mit-Gaudes or Mit-Gavadas. The Agris live mainly in the Indian districts of Thane and Kolaba and the Mit-Gauddes in Ratnagiri, Kanara and Sawantwadi. Salt Makers: Issues, Problems and Changes: The present book primarily deals with the jatis involved in salt making in Goa -- the Agris, the Mithgaudas, the Bhandaris, the Gauddis and the Ager. These jatis are caught up in the throes of transition, with their traditional lifestyles and economics coming under increasing pressure, even while they find it difficult to move into alternative jobs and occupations. The main concern of this research was not salt and the salt industry, but the communities involved in salt production. However, related aspects of salt and the salt industry will be referred to. H.T. Nagvenkar's (1999) unpublished Ph.D. thesis on the economic history of salt in Goa, mentioned earlier, helps us to understand the salt trade in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. He highlights the economic aspects of production of salt in Goa, including the quantity of salt produced. This study discerns the impact of the different factors, which shaped the destiny of Goa's salt industry during Portuguese rule till the Indian Economic Blockade of 1955 on Portuguese-ruled Goa. It identifies factors which influenced the salt industry in Goa. Frederick Noronha (1997) points out the decadence of this industry in the last century. Over the years, the figure of salt producing villages figure has come down sharply. The changing lifestyles have led salt producers to newer means of livelihood, adversely affecting a number of people in this traditional profession. Authorities have been tardy in giving necessary encouragement, and, if properly utilised, salt farms could offer seasonal low-intensive aquaculture, useful salt-tolerant sea weeds and even environment-friendly bio-fertilizers, it is argued. Hayavandana Rao (1927) mentioned a salt based occupation of the Uppara caste, earth salt workers found chiefly in Mysore district. According to him, earth salt workers declined as the manufacture of earth salt is prohibited in Mysore and as sea salt is comparatively cheap. An important observation of his study is that the workers are engaged in cultivation and labour. S. Gasper D'Souza (2005) highlights the poor conditions of the salt workers of North Goa. He focuses on the historical aspect of salt production in Goa. The salt pans were flourishing with salt used not only for consumption and exports but also to fill the hull of ships to steady them as they crossed the seas. From these glory days, salt production has seen a steady decline, he writes, reducing salt pan workers to practical oblivion -- an oddity for tourists at best. Facing a dismal condition and uncertain future, many are considering giving up their ancestral occupation, though there may not be any other occupation. Many descriptive accounts of the problems of the salt workers are available in a few academic (Sequeira 1993 and Phyllis 1995) and journalistic descriptions (Parmar 2005, among others). In the same way, a few descriptive accounts of employment opportunities in the salt sector (Mohan and Elango 1980, Das 1996, Pednekar 1997, Dasgupta 1997, Perumal 2004, and Venkatesh 2005) are available. Salt production being symbiotically attached to nature, I could identify an ecologically-oriented account of salt industry (Kamat 2006). An Overview: This survey of related literature indicates that research on salt in India does not focus much on the sociological aspects of this industry. Not much work has been done pertaining to the social aspect of the salt makers, especially in Goa. Many works, published and unpublished, do not feature the salt makers. There is a need for analytical and ethnographic literature on the life and problems of these communities. Hence, this study of the Mitagars of Goa. -- [This extract is from the book 'As Dear As Salt...: The Story of Neglect and Decay in a Traditional Occupation in Goa', published by July 2013 in Goa. The book will be launched at 10 am, Sunday, July 21, 2013 at the Central Library, Panjim.]