From: bcsabha.kal...@gmail.com
To: 

http://epaperbeta.timesofindia.com/Article.aspx?eid=31804&articlexml=Protests-by-the-privileged-Gujarat-has-a-long-30082015024031
Aug 30 2015 : The Times of India (Mumbai)Protests by the privileged? Gujarat 
has a long historyEconomics is the common thread that runs through agitations 
in the state over the last 75 years, finds Amrita Shah
Gujarat has a vivid recent history of large, anarchic agitations. Observers are 
often surprised to hear this, pointing to the state's association with Gandhi 
and its reputation as a highly developed region with a strong entrepreneurial 
drive as reasons why this should not be so. Those familiar with the state's 
peculiarities, however, suggest that Gujarat's relationship with violence in 
fact stems from these particular characteristics rather than existing despite 
them.
It has been proposed, for instance, that Gandhi's legacy of agitation has 
contributed to present-day violence in the state. Historian Howard Spodek 
describes the “two parallel springs of mobilization and institutionalization“ 
which he believes Gandhi successfully controlled, and speculates that the 
future could go either way: that new organizations could succeed Gandhi to 
restore a balance or that the local and the national arena could decline 
becoming accustomed to deepening levels of violence.


Those who expect a pragmatic, business minded society to be above turbulence 
are similarly mistaken because economics, far from quelling, has invariably 
been a key motivating feature for mass violence in the state. A survey of 
prominent agitations over the last 75 years suggests a common thread.The 
vigorous participation of Gujaratis in the Quit India movement of 1942, for 
instance, while it owed much to the intense nationalistic fervor prevailing at 
the time, was also partly enabled by fears that the British, following a 
scorched earth policy would destroy local mills to prevent them from falling 
into the hands of their World War II rivals, the Japanese.


The movement for a separate state in the 1950s was waged on the rhetoric of 
language and regional pride but was also underpinned by a feeling of neglect by 
successive Congress ministries. According to Achyut Yagnik and Suchitra Sheth's 
The Shaping of Modern Gujarat, the absence of any major project on the area's 
rivers in the First Five Year Plan coupled with the perception that resources 
were being diverted to Marathispeaking areas culminated in the Mahagujarat 
movement.


In 1974 rising mess bills in an engineering college in Ahmedabad sparked 
outrage among students, snowballing into a statewide stir known as the 
Navnirman movement, an agitation in which even housewives joined in by beating 
thalis at a prearranged hour. Anxiety over shrinking job opportunities due to 
the expansion of caste-based reservations led to ugly riots in 1981 and in 1985.


These iconic mass agitations have not involved the poor and the working class 
but have been led by members of the upper and middle castes and classes, with 
students playing a pivotal role. In the 1985 anti-reservation riots even 
children, encouraged by their parents, boycotted school.


Middle class leadership brought a managerial flair to mass agitations often 
marked by a high level of organization, a clever use of communication 
technology and marketing gimmicks.This is not the place to explore the links 
between an emerging middle class solidarity and the growing popularity of the 
Hindutva movement but it can be said that mass agitations tended to articulate 
the grievances of and sought to expand economic opportunities for those in the 
middle and upper reaches of society , sometimes resisting the advancement of 
those below. For instance, the 1981 and 1985 anti-reservation riots (a 
precursor one could say to the current fracas) saw attacks by assertive Patels 
selectively on upwardly mobile sections of the lower castes.


Mass agitations have also enabled dominant groups to bypass inconvenient 
politics. The unseating of chief minister Chimanbhai Patel in 1974 provided an 
early taste of power. Madhavsinh Solanki, a backward caste chief minister who 
won a resounding majority a decade later with a formula that united 
underprivileged sections of society including Harijans, Adivasis and Muslims, 
was forced out of office within months by massive protracted violence.


The latter's history of truculence is surprising more so in light of political 
scientist Nikita Sud's claim that Gujarat's development trajectory , which 
ensured the rise of agrarian capitalists and rapid urbanization after 1960, has 
been skewed in favour of dominant castes and classes as has the contemporary 
economic liberalization process.


In many ways then, the current agitation by the influential Patel community is 
in keeping with the state's past experience of violent protest by the 
privileged. But while the agitation may have its origins in the local, and 
Gujarat-based observers have provided various cogent explanations for the 
sudden discontent, there is something about the scale and deliberate 
theatricality of the event that points to a less definable intent. A 
charismatic leader, surging crowds, speeches in Hindu rather than Gujarati, the 
dramatic destruction of public property , seem to be elements of a spectacle 
aimed at creating a mood as much as or rather than stating a demand. The 
atmospherics need to be watched.


Shah is the author of Ahmedabad: A City in the World





                                          

Reply via email to