Going Goan on the Goanet... (Alberto G Gomes) 2/2 ******************************************************************* Goanet enters its 20th year this year. Below is the second and concluding part of an academic paper, written some time back, by Alberto G Gomes. *******************************************************************
continuation of GOING GOAN ON THE GOANET .... CMC AND DIASPORIC IDENTITIES Several researchers have concluded that CMC allows, even facilitates, inventive identity formation. Sherry Turkle, in an article published in 1980, describes the computer as Rorschach in the way it allows users to project onto the computer a variety of dreams, wishes and visions. In a subsequent study of multiuser domains (MUDs), Turkle (1995:10) demonstrates how individuals are able to construct multiple identities in a "culture of simulation". In reference to mailing lists, Mark Dery (1994:2-3) has argued that messages on such lists are similar in some ways to "public bathroom graffiti, in that their authors are sometimes anonymous, often pseudonymous and almost always strangers". He notes that this is the "upside of incorporeal interaction" that enables a "'postmulticultural' vision of identity disengaged from gender, ethnicity, and other problematic constructions" and that people on-line can "float free of biological and sociocultural determinants". The question is whether these observations are applicable to Goan mailing lists and bulletin boards. There is no doubt that several users may invent identities or remain anonymous but my observations indicate that the majority of people involved in these forms of Goa-related CMC do not disguise their identities. Involvement in real-life projects and extensive computer-mediated interactions have facilitated the transformation of most members from anonymous cyber-beings into personalities with peculiar characteristics and habits. After several months of 'observation', I was able to quickly recognise the personae mentioned. The fact that participants normally describe themselves and express their views and opinions on a range of issues enables one to get to 'know' them. Participants begin to take on distinctive identities. In the process of 'netcussion' (a neologism for discussion on the internet), social relationships are formed and a certain sense of intimacy is developed among regular netters. This is revealed in the personalised way some members write their messages as well as the way members refer or address some of their fellow members particularly the regular netters. The following excerpt from a report of a recent meeting (December 1999) of several netters in Goa illustrates this: Among those present were Olave 'the remarkable storyteller' Menezes, Rene 'the over-enthusiastic optimist' Barreto, Alexyz 'I-must-get-into-cyberspace-soon-but' Fernandes and Joel 'thanks-for-the-news' D'Souza, Mario 'there's-another-side-to-the-story' Mascarenhas, Ambert 'I-didn't-like-Fred' Pimenta, friends from Online at Porvorim and from Divar, and others listed in Ambert's previous mail. Incidentally, this was Ambert's and mine first real-world meeting... after some level of mutual misunderstandings through Net-based communications earlier! Gladly, everyone felt that people are much more pleasant to meet (often) in real-life than via email! Ambert and myself actually jocked (sic) over our earlier misunderstandings (Fred Noronha, 11 December 1999, GoaNet) There are numerous incidents or events that support this contention of the sociability of the Goa-Net and the emergence of a 'community'. Towards the end of 1996 several expatriate netters announced their plans to visit Goa during the Christmas holidays and it was then suggested that those visiting Goa meet at a certain time and place in Goa. After much discussion and negotiations, the netters agreed to meet on the 28th of December at a hotel in Panaji, Goa. After months of computer-mediated communication with one another, twenty netters met in person. This meeting in 'real life' was considered a success. The netters appear to be almost a community within the Goan diasporic community. For example, at the UK Goan Festival held in July this year that drew as many as 3000 people, mostly Goans, to the function, a photograph-taking session of Goa netters at the event was organised. Goan netters were urged to meet at a specific place on the grounds at an appointed time for this photographing session and this allowed the UK based netters to 'socialise'. There were several other such meetings among the netters over the past six years. Such interactions bolster the construction and maintenance of identity among the diasporic Goans. James Clifford (1994:305) has reiterated Safran's defining model of diaspora as consisting of the following features or events: (1) a history of dispersal (2) myths/memories of the homeland (3) alienation in the host country (4) desire for eventual return (5) ongoing support of the homeland (6) collective identity importantly defined by this relationship However, Amitav Ghosh (1989) argues that diaspora "is not so much oriented to roots in a specific place and desire for return as around an ability to recreate a culture in diverse locations" (Clifford 1994: 306). Diasporism, like ethnicity, is situationally dependent. As Clifford and others have noted among other factors, it will wax and wane according to the treatment of diasporic people in the host country. I intend to explore these theoretical issues in the context of computer-mediated communication among diasporic Goans. Almost all of the Goan web sites to provide information and links related to news and business and investment opportunities for non-resident Goans. As the managers of Goa-Interactive, a web site that appears to have withdrawn from the world-wide web at the time of writing, state: Goa Interactive is primarily targeted at three distinctive audiences: The foreign tourist, the Goan NRI and the global business community... [F]or the Goan NRI, Goan Interactive makes possible the best of both worlds -- business and pleasure. Hitherto, NRIs especially of Goan origins had little or no means of interaction with their community and hometown. Geographical and economic considerations restricted interaction with the land and people they loved. Up until now, that is... With Goa Interactive, the NRI will be one with his community once again. Rejuvenating old friendships, forging new alliances and venturing into new businesses. Or simply pandering to nostalgia. Like in almost all web sites devoted to Goa-related issues, Goa Interactive has a page providing information on Goan associations worldwide. However, the most comprehensive coverage of this is offered in Goa Mania, a website managed by a Goan living in Kuwait. Goa Mania provides information and links to most, if not all, of the Goan associations in the Middle-East where a large number of Goans are employed as guest workers. These Goans are referred to as 'Gulfies' in Goa and they, unlike diasporic Goans elsewhere, expect to return to Goa after they have amassed considerable wealth from their lucrative employment in the Middle-East. The 'Gulfies' maintain a special interest in the current political and economic development in Goa and are generally not "pandering to nostalgia" as in the case of diasporic Goans in North America, Britain and Australia. There are also several web sites devoted to Konkani (language-based) associations mainly in the United States. The most elaborate of such sites is Konkani Sabha, which has a page presenting the lyrics of a song titled 'Proud to be a Konkani' composed by a Konkani association member in the US. The song, which is said to have been inspired by an Australian Aboriginal song, 'Proud to be Aborigine', has become a popular theme song at Konkani social events. It is the "pandering to nostalgia" that is rather poignant in all the websites, some engaging in more of it than others. The popular Goan icons all display images of sun-sets, surf, swaying palm trees, and beaches. The website that carries this nostalgic sentiment furthest is Goenkar which greets the Internet 'surfer' with wonderfully Java-scripted images and icons with words both in English and Konkani 'dancing' to the tune of traditional Goan music. The use of such icons, music and Konkani words go a long way in maintaining for expatriate Goans a nostalgic memory of homeland, is one of the critical features in Safran's model of diasporic identities. Images of beaches and coconut palm trees play a significant role in the reification of identities. In the construction and maintenance of Goan identities, connection with land is paramount. In popular imagination, Goa is idealised as a land of scenic beaches with coconut palm trees. Hence, in the reification of identities which invokes naturalisms it is not altogether surprising that these iconic aspects of the Goan landscape have emerged as popular images in the websites. In the discussion on diasporic identities, alienation in the host country and desire for eventual return to the homeland have been viewed as important aspects of diasporic identities. In my monitoring of discussion on the bulletin boards of the Goan web sites and on the Goa-net, I have come across several messages from expatriate Goans expressing feelings of alienation in their host countries and desires to return to Goa. However, this is not always the case with younger diasporic Goans. In a debate about the relative living conditions in the United States and Canada on the GOYAN mailing list, several members posted messages singing praises of their respective host countries. Defending her host country, a Goan from Canada started her email in the following way: I love Canada and everything it stands for and so I feel that the appropriate action to be taken would be to clarify some of the misconceptions in your email and to make you aware of the "Culture" that sets us apart from everyone else and not just the United States! It is important to clarify such facts when sending an email to a list of outsiders who may not have the necessary first hand information of Canada. These emails are the causes of some of the building steretypes (sic) in our society. (Tracey Fernandes 30 June 1999). Interestingly this debate drew the most number of email messages since the establishment of the GOYAN mailing list in May 1999. When the discussion appeared to be getting out of hand, the administrator of the list intervened with the following posting: I thought that 'goyan' was supposed to be a community where DESPITE our differences, we come together, to celebrate Goa and our heritage. So please, if it's not too much to ask, no more disputes. GOYAN's goal is networking and educating ourselves about our roots which trace back to Goa. Although we are free to discuss (sic) issues either related or non related to Goa, we could try to avoid controversial or offensive posts esp. those based on nationality, religion or sexist humour. We've been trying to work on cultural projects, basically focussing on the language, music, dance, festivals of Goa aimed at providing information to our members. We all have limited resources and time, therefore I would encourage each and every one of you to contribute with ideas/suggestions (sic) on possible projects and how you could help. For ex. we are looking for someone knowledgeable in Konkani to work on a tutorial. Let's work together in preserving and celebrating our heritage. It is in fact this support for the homeland and the establishment of a collective identity that are expressed frequently in all the Goan mailing lists and bulletin boards. These are two other significant factors in Safran's model of diasporic identity. In a posting dated 18th March 1996, a participant on the Goa-Net made the following inflammatory observations of Goans on the Goa-Net: As an outsider observer of the Goa-Net, I must say that I am absolutely astonished at the do-nothing attitude that overseas Goans are taking towards the sexual abuse of their children by Western paedophiles. I am beginning to get the distinct impression that overseas Goans are basically a do-nothing group of people.... They seem more interested in discussing the results of the cricket world cup. It is time for overseas Goans to recognise that the paedophile threat facing their children should not be brushed off as insignificant. Taking action against foreign paedophiles would not eliminate child abuse in Goa, but it would provide a measure of protection to those children who work in the tourist industry. This comment seemed to have hit a raw nerve of some of the netters who swiftly jumped into making suggestions of how netters could be involved in campaigns and development programs for Goa. They organised a campaign against paedophilia in Goa and were successful in mounting considerable pressure on Goan authorities to act against such sexual deviance in the state. Another Goa-Net initiative is the Goa Schools Computer Project where a fund raising campaign was held via the net for the purchase and installation of computers in several schools in Goa. Goa netters have helped set up computer facilities for one school and a few of them are currently carrying out a study to identify more schools for the project. They also helped to raise funds to help a Goan participant in the para-Olympics. Such interest in the welfare of Goa is prevalent in all the Goan 'virtual' communities. As the commentator at the Overseas Goan Convention held in Goa in December 1999 contends Goans these days seem to have transcended from the 'club-house' culture of the previous generation of diasporic Goans' (2) What he implied was that unlike in the past when Goans formed associations in their host countries with the primary aim of holding social functions, Goan associations and Internet groups are currently more concerned and involved with the social, economic and political activities and issues in Goa. This is however not only in the case of older expatriate Goans who still maintain close ties with friends and relatives in Goa but also with younger Goans who have spent most of their lives outside of Goa. A good case in point is GOYAN (Goan Young Adult Network) which states its mission "To build a community of young adult Goans in North America working together towards a worthy cause". GOYAN is described as a 'forum' with the following objectives: ... to promote social relationships between Goans in North America, who are between the age group of 18-35. However, we are not a dating service or a matrimonial list.... to promote the advancement of Goans in the corporate world and in their careers. ... to discuss a variety of issues, Goan and non-Goan related, which are important to its members and put in a co-ordinated effort towards a worthy cause (GOYAN web page) In a posting on the GOYAN mailing list, Cedric D'Costa, the list administrator, reveals the purported ambition of the group: When I decided to administer a mailing list called GenX in Aug 1996 (something which Kevin Pereira is doing an excellent job administering today), I had no idea there were so many "dazed and confused" young Goans like me wondering what's more to the Goan culture than our skin colour and last name. I was not the only person frustrated for not being able to even speak a few lines of Konkani or hum a few lines of a mando. We all may have that scary thought -- "Would the Goan culture die with us?" So GOYAN is our journey of self-discovery -- to knowing who we are and where we come from, a journey to finding our identity in this melting pot of North America (GOYAN 5 June 1999). The quest of 'self-discovery' has been translated into several activities. While some of these are reminiscent of the old 'club-house' culture such as social meetings in various parts of North America and even a 'millennium' visit to Goa by 20 members, the group in a similar way to the Goa-Netters, has also been involved in a number of projects for the benefit of Goans in Goa such as a school computer project where US$3000 was raised through fund raising campaigns in North America to finance the supply of computers to a school in Goa. CONCLUSIONS This study demonstrates how the Internet has greatly facilitated diasporic connection nd maintenance of ties with the 'homeland', however imaginary this may be. In the past, diasporic Goans relied on visitors to and from their homeland for news about Goa. I recall how excited my parents were when we had friends and relatives from Goa drop in for a visit. They would listen attentively to our visitors talking about happenings in Goa. Today, a Goan can keep in touch with news in Goa, get in contact with a lost friend from the homeland, or participate in a discussion about Goa by pressing a few keys on his or her computer from almost any part of the world. The Internet has also helped in the re-emergence of community against the processes of social alienation and loss of community spirit widely regarded by sociologists as salient conditions of modernity. As Howard Rheingold noted: My direct observation of on-line behavior around the world over the past ten years have led me to conclude that whenever CMC technology becomes available to people anywhere, they inevitably build virtual communities with it, just as microorganisms inevitably create colonies.... I suspect that one of the explanations for this phenomenon is the hunger for community that grows in the breasts of people around the world as more and more informal public spaces disappear from our real lives. I also suspect that these new media attract colonies of enthusiasts because CMC enables people to do this with each other in new ways, and to do altogether new things -- just as telegraphs, telephones, and television did (1993:6) The Goans involved in such computer-mediated communication have formed a 'virtual community'. As Howard Rheingold defines: "Virtual communities are places where people meet, and they are also tools; the place-like aspect and tool-like aspect only partially overlap" (1993: 56). The emergence of virtual communities like the Goan netters challenge the contention of some early research that CMC's are simply a "socially impaired" medium (Lyons 1997:24). We are now in the information age about to embark on the superhighway and the Goans, particularly the diasporic Goans, have created and are developing further a new social formation, the virtual community or the Goan cybersociety, primarily to construct and maintain their diasporic identity. NOTES 1. Goa-Net, since July 1991 (?), maintains an easily accessible archive of all messages through the Goacom website. This has greatly facilitated my access to, and analysis of the, the messages as well as obtaining statistics on common topics, posting, authors, etc. 2. Newsreport by Fred Noronha reproduced in a message by Vivian Dias on the GOYAN mailing list dated 17 January 2000. BIBLIOGRAPHY Clifford, J. 1994 "Diasporas", Cultural Anthropology 9(3): 302-338 Dery, M (ed) 1994 Flame Wars: The Discourse of Cyberculture, Durham, NC: Duke University Press Ghosh, A 1989 "The Diaspora in Indian Culture", Public Culture 2(1):73-78 Hakken D 1999 An Ethnographer Looks to the Future, New York, Routledge Lyon, D 1997 "Cyberspace Sociality: Controversies over Computer-mediated Relationships" in R Loader (ed) The Governance of Cyberspace: Politics, Technology and Global Restructuring, London: Routledge Newman, R 1988 "Konkani Mai Ascends the Throne: The Cultural Basis of Goan Statehood" South Asia 11(1): 1-24 Noronha, F 1997 "Goa-ing into Cyberspace" Goa Today, April 22-25. Priolkar, A K 1983 "Who is a Goan?" in P Nazareth (ed) Goan Literature: A Modern Reader, special volume of Journal of South Asian Literature 28(1): 269-70 Rheingold, H 1993 The Virtual Community, New York, Harper Perennial Turkle, S 1980 "Computer as Rorschach" Society 172(12): 15-24 -- 1995 Life on the Screen: Identity in the Age of the Internet, New York: Simon & Schuster.