Elliot Abrams’ uncivil war   Is the Bush administration violating the law in an 
effort to provoke a Palestinian civil war?
 Deputy National Security Advisor, Elliott Abrams — who Newsweek recently 
described as “the last neocon standing” — has had it about for some months now 
that the U.S. is not only not interested in dealing with Hamas, it is working 
to ensure its failure. In the immediate aftermath of the Hamas elections, last 
January, Abrams greeted a group of Palestinian businessmen in his White House 
office with talk of a “hard coup” against the newly-elected Hamas government — 
the violent overthrow of their leadership with arms supplied by the United 
States. While the businessmen were shocked, Abrams was adamant — the U.S. had 
to support Fatah with guns, ammunition and training, so that they could fight 
Hamas for control of the Palestinian government.
 While those closest to him now concede the Abrams’ words were issued in a 
moment of frustration, the “hard coup” talk was hardly just talk. Over the last 
twelve months, the United States has supplied guns, ammunition and training to 
Palestinian Fatah activists to take on Hamas in the streets of Gaza and the 
West Bank. A large number of Fatah activists have been trained and “graduated” 
from two camps — one in Ramallah and one in Jericho. The supplies of rifles and 
ammunition, which started as a mere trickle, has now become a torrent (Haaretz 
reports the U.S. has designated an astounding $86.4 million for Abu Mazen’s 
security detail), and while the program has gone largely without notice in the 
American press, it is openly talked about and commented on in the Arab media — 
and in Israel. Thousands of rifles and bullets have been poring into Gaza and 
the West Bank from Egypt and Jordan, the administration’s designated allies in 
the program.
 At first, it was thought, the resupply effort (initiated under the guise of 
“assist[ing] the Palestinian Authority presidency in fulfilling PA commitments 
under the road map to dismantle the infrastructure of terrorism and establish 
law and order in the West Bank and Gaza,” according to a U.S. government 
document) would strengthen the security forces under the command of Palestinian 
President Mahmoud Abbas. Officials thought that the additional weapons would 
easily cow Hamas operatives, who would meekly surrender the offices they had 
only recently so dearly won. That has not only not happened, but the program is 
under attack throughout the Arab world — particularly among America’s closest 
allies.
 While both Egypt and Jordan have shipped arms to Abu Mazen under the Abrams 
program (Egypt recently sent 1,900 rifles into Gaza and the West Bank, nearly 
matching the 3000 rifles sent by the Jordanians), neither Jordan’s King 
Abdullah nor Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak believe the program will work — and both are 
now maneuvering to find a way out of it. “Who can blame them?” an 
administration official told us recently. “While Mubarak has no love for Hamas, 
they do not want to be seen as bringing them down. The same can be said for 
Jordan.” A Pentagon official was even more adamant, cataloguing official 
Washington’s nearly open disdain for Abrams’ program. “This is not going to 
work and everyone knows it won’t work. It is too clever. We’re just not very 
good at this. This is typical Abrams stuff.” This official went on to note that 
“it is unlikely that either Jordan or Egypt will place their future in the 
hands of the White House. Who the hell outside of Washington wants to see a
 civil war among Palestinians? Do we really think that the Jordanians think 
that’s a good idea. The minute it gets underway, Abdullah is finished. Hell, 
fifty percent of his country is Palestinian.”
 Senior U.S. Army officers and high level civilian Pentagon officials have been 
the most outspoken internal administration critics of the program, which was 
unknown to them until mid-August, near the end of Israel’s war against 
Hezbollah. When Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld learned about it he was 
enraged, and scheduled a meeting with President Bush in an attempt to convince 
him the program would backfire. Rumsfeld was concerned that the anti-Hamas 
program would radicalise Muslim groups among American allies and eventually 
endanger U.S. troops fighting Sunni extremists in Iraq. According to our 
reports, Rumsfeld was told by Bush that he should keep his focus on Iraq, and 
that “the Palestinian brief” was in the hands of the Secretary of State. After 
this confrontation, Rumsfeld decided there was not much he could do.
 The Abrams program was initially conceived in February of 2006 by a group of 
White House officials who wanted to shape a coherent and tough response to the 
Hamas electoral victory of January. These officials, we are told, were led by 
Abrams, but included national security advisors working in the Office of the 
Vice President, including prominent neo-conservatives David Wurmser and John 
Hannah. The policy was approved by Condoleezza Rice. The President then, we are 
told, signed off on the program in a CIA “finding” and designated that its 
implementation be put under the control of Langley. But the program ran into 
problems almost from the beginning. “The CIA didn’t like it and didn’t think it 
would work,” we were told in October. “The Pentagon hated it, the US embassy in 
Israel hated it, and even the Israelis hated it.” A prominent American military 
official serving in Israel called the program “stupid” and 
“counter-productive.” The program went forward despite these
 criticisms, however, though responsibility for its implementation was slowly 
put in the hands of anti-terrorism officials working closely with the State 
Department. The CIA “wriggled out of” retaining responsibility for implementing 
the Abrams plan, we have been told. Since at least August, Rice, Abrams and 
U.S. envoy David Welch have been its primary advocates and the program has been 
subsumed as a “part of the State Department’s Middle East initiative.” U.S. 
government officials refused to comment on a report that the program is now a 
part of the State Department’s “Middle East Partnership Initiative,” 
established to promote democracy in the region. If it is, diverting 
appropriated funds from the program for the purchase of weapons may be a 
violation of Congressional intent — and U.S. law.
 The recipients of U.S. largesse have been Palestinian President Abu Mazen and 
Mohammad Dahlan, a controversial and charismatic Palestinian political leader 
from Gaza. The U.S. has also relied on advice from Mohammad Rashid, a 
well-known Kurdish/Palestinian financier with offices in Cairo. Even in Israel, 
the alliance of the U.S. with these two figures is greeted with almost open 
derision. While Prime Minister Ehud Olmert has hesitantly supported the 
program, many of his key advisors have made it clear that they want to have 
nothing to do with starting a Palestinian civil war. They also doubt whether 
Hamas can be weakened. These officials point out that, since the beginning of 
the program, Hamas has actually gained in strength, in part because its leaders 
are considered competent, transparent, uncorrupt and unwilling to compromise 
their ideals — just the kinds of democratically elected leaders that the Bush 
Administration would want to support anywhere else in the Middle
 East.
 Of course, in public, Secretary Rice appears contrite and concerned with “the 
growing lawlessness” among Palestinians, while failing to mention that such 
lawlessness is exactly what the Abrams plan was designed to create. “You can’t 
build security forces overnight to deal with the kind of lawlessness that is 
there in Gaza which largely derives from an inability to govern,” she said 
during a recent trip to Israel. “Their [the Hamas-led Palestinian Authority] 
inability to govern, of course, comes from their unwillingness to meet 
international standards.” Even Middle East experts and State Department 
officials close to Rice consider her comments about Palestinian violence 
dangerous, and have warned her that if the details of the U.S. program become 
public her reputation could be stained. In fact, Pentagon officials concede, 
Hamas’s inability to provide security to its own people and the clashes that 
have recently erupted have been seeded by the Abrams plan. Israeli officials
 know this, and have begun to rebel. In Israel, at least, Rice’s view that 
Hamas can be unseated is now regularly, and sometimes publicly, dismissed.
 According to a December 25 article in the Israeli daily Haaretz, senior 
Israeli intelligence officials have told Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert 
that not only can Hamas not be replaced, but that its rival, Fatah, is 
disintegrating. Any hope for the success of an American program aimed at 
replacing Hamas, these officials argued, will fail. These Israeli intelligence 
officials also dismissed Palestinian President Abu Mazen’s call for elections 
to replace Hamas — saying that such elections would all but destroy Fatah. As 
Haaretz reported: “Shin Bet chief Yuval Diskin told the cabinet Sunday 
[December 24] that should elections be held in the Palestinian Authority, 
Fatah’s chances of winning would be close to zero. Diskin said during Sunday’s 
weekly cabinet meeting that the Fatah faction is in bad shape, and therefore 
Israel should expect Hamas to register a sweeping victory.”
 Apparently Jordan’s King Abdullah agrees. On the day this article appeared, 
December 25, Abdullah kept Palestinian President Abu Mazen waiting for six 
hours to see him in Amman. Eventually, Abdullah told Abu Mazen that he should 
go home — and only come to see him again when accompanied by Hamas leader and 
Palestinian Prime Minister, Ismail Haniyeh. Most recently, Saudi officials have 
welcomed Haniyeh to Saudi Arabia for talks, having apparently made public their 
own views on the American program to replace Hamas. And so it is: one year 
after the election of Hamas, and one year after Elliot Abrams determined that 
sowing the seeds of civil war among a people already under occupation would 
somehow advance America’s program for democracy in the Middle East, respect for 
America’s democratic ideals has all but collapsed — and not just in Iraq.

http://conflictsforum.org/2007/elliot-abrams-uncivil-war/



"Strive as in a race to achieve the
 goal of excellence in all that you do."
   
  For real insights visit:
   
  http://www.geocities.com/mewatch99/
   
  Regards,
Nashid

Reply via email to