----- Original Message ----- From: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Sent: Tuesday, January 09, 2001 6:37 AM Subject: Bush-Putin missile dispute looming [STOPNATO.ORG.UK] STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK This e-mail has been sent to you by rr ([EMAIL PROTECTED]) from the globeandmail.com Web Centre. Message: The Globe and Mail, Monday, January 8, 2001 Bush, Putin seen headed for trouble over missiles By Geoffrey York MOSCOW -- A dispute over short-range nuclear weapons is the latest sign of trouble looming between the two new administrations in Moscow and Washington. The Kremlin is angrily denying U.S. allegations that it has moved tactical nuclear missiles onto its military bases in Kaliningrad, a key Russian outpost on the edge of central Europe, within range of targets in Poland and the Baltic states. The Pentagon, refusing to back down from its charges, says the move is just the latest example of a "disturbing trend" of sabre-rattling by the Russian military. The dispute could foreshadow fresh tensions between the two nuclear superpowers and their new presidents: Vladimir Putin, who was officially inaugurated in May, and George W. Bush, who will be sworn in to office on Jan. 20. Mr. Putin has been increasingly assertive on the world stage. He has courted the leaders of foreign regimes on the U.S. black list, and allowed his military to simulate combat with American targets. He also has approved a military doctrine that identifies Washington as a possible threat, and defied U.S. demands to outlaw weapons sales to Iran. Still, the Russian leader is putting a good face on maintaining good relations with Washington and is reportedly hoping to visit the United States this spring for a summit with Mr. Bush. "My analysis of modern history shows that when Republicans were heading the U.S. administration, even U.S.-Soviet relations were not harmed," Mr. Putin told Russian journalists recently. "We have always been able to find a common language with the Republicans." At the same time, he emphasized that Moscow cannot return to the optimistic days of the early 1990s, after the collapse of the Soviet Union. "Ten years ago we decided, for some reason, that everyone heartily loves us," Mr. Putin said. "But this turned out to be wrong. We have to . . . clearly understand our national interests, spell them out and fight for them." Mr. Bush, meanwhile, has appointed a cabinet filled with right-wing hawks who advocate a tougher line on Russia. Several of his cabinet nominees and senior advisers vigorously support a proposed nuclear-missile defence shield, despite Moscow's fierce opposition, and their rhetoric often sharply criticizes Russia. "Moscow is determined to assert itself in the world and often does so in ways that are at once haphazard and threatening to American interests," Mr. Bush's national security adviser, Condoleezza Rice, wrote in a recent article. Portraying Russia as a threat to the independence of its smaller neighbours, Ms. Rice wants Washington to strengthen those states to protect them from Moscow's interference. She has condemned the outgoing Clinton administration for its "romantic" policy toward Moscow. And she has criticized Russia for its corruption, its war against Chechnya, its links to U.S. enemies and the aggressiveness of its military. "The Russian military has been uncharacteristically blunt and vocal in asserting its duty to defend the integrity of the Russian Federation -- an unwelcome development . . .," she wrote in the article published in a Chicago newspaper. Mr. Bush has been highly critical of Russia. During the election campaign, he demanded a halt of all loans to Moscow as long as it is waging war in Chechnya. He denounced Russian corruption and accused former prime minister Viktor Chernomyrdin of stealing money from Western loans to Russia. When Mr. Chernomyrdin demanded an apology, he refused. If the Bush cabinet continues this tough stand, it will further complicate an already fragile relationship. Washington is already worried by Russia's moves toward closer political links with Iran, Iraq, Libya and Cuba. It has criticized Moscow for using coercive pressure tactics against pro-Western neighbours such as Georgia. It has warned that the Kremlin jeopardized press freedom by arresting the media tycoon Vladimir Gusinsky. And it condemned the espionage conviction of American businessman Edmond Pope, whom Mr. Putin later pardoned. The United States has also threatened to impose sanctions on Moscow for abandoning its agreement to stop selling battlefield weapons to Iran. Washington said it was "particularly disturbed" by reports that the Kremlin is ready to sell missiles, helicopters and fighter jets to Iran. These sales would "pose a serious threat" to security interests of the United States and its allies, a State Department spokesman said. Russia has its own long list of bitter grievances, a list that seems to be lengthening. Tensions have been rising because of the U.S.-led expansion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the NATO bombing campaign against Yugoslavia, both of which triggered anger among Russians. Some Russian officials also blamed a U.S. or British submarine for the explosion that destroyed the Kursk nuclear submarine in August, killing 118 crew members. Along with the dustup over whether nuclear weapons had been shifted to Kaliningrad, another arms-control dispute is simmering. Last week, Russia accused Washington of violating the START-1 treaty by destroying only the first stage of its MX intercontinental ballistic missiles, preserving the second and third stages for possible future use as medium-range missiles. But the Kremlin's biggest complaint today is the U.S. plan for a missile defence shield, which would violate the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. President Bill Clinton delayed a decision on the missile shield last year, but Mr. Bush's cabinet lineup suggests that his campaign pledge to bring in a "robust" missile-defence system will be kept. Indeed, Donald Rumsfeld, the designated secretary of defence, wrote an influential 1998 report that urged deployment of the missile shield, despite Russian concerns. And in nominating Mr. Rumsfeld, Mr. Bush made a special point of praising his views on the $60-billion (U.S.) antimissile plan. Many analysts see his appointment as proof that the plan is a virtual certainty, no matter how much Russia and other countries object. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Two new iUnits bond funds, IG5 and IG10 began trading recently on the TSE. The way you invest now, only better. http://www.iunits.com ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Copyright 2000 | The Globe and Mail Visit the globeandmail.com Web Centre for your competitive edge. 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