6/27: House Passes 2014 NDAA; NSA  Surveillance Will Lead to Indefinite 
Detention 
 
By: Joe Wolverton, II, J.D. The New  American
 
http://www.thenewamerican.com/usnews/congress/item/15829-house-passes-14-nda
a-nsa-surveillance-will-lead-to-indefinite-detention
 
 
 
The annual renewal of the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) is  
underway on Capitol Hill. 
_On June  14, by a vote of 315-108_ 
(http://clerk.house.gov/evs/2013/roll244.xml) , the House of Representatives 
passed the _Fiscal Year 2014 version 
of the NDAA_ 
(http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/D?c113:2:./temp/~c113QP5I3R::)  (HR 1960). 
Several  amendments to the defense spending legislation were 
proposed, many of which were  approved either by voice vote or en bloc. The 
first method of voting requires no  report on how individual members voted, 
while the second method aggregates  amendments, allowing them to be voted 
on in groups. 
A few of the amendments represent significant improvements to the NDAA of  
2012 and 2013. The acts passed for those years infamously permitted the  
president to deploy U.S. military troops to apprehend and indefinitely detain  
any American he alone believed to be aiding enemies of the state. 
While the 2014 iteration doesn’t go far enough in pushing the federal beast 
 back inside its constitutional cage, there are at least a few congressmen  
willing to try to crack the whip and restore constitutional separation of 
powers  and shore up a few of the fundamental liberties suspended by the NDAA 
of the  past two years. 
First, there is the_  amendment offered by Representative Trey Radel_ 
(http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/bdquery/z?d113:hz151:)  (R-Fla.). Radel’s 
amendment  requires the Department of Defense to submit to the Congress a 
report 
every year  containing: (1) the names of any U.S. citizens subject to military 
detention,  (2) the legal justification for their continued detention, and 
(3) the steps the  Executive Branch is taking to either provide them some 
judicial process, or  release them. Requires that an unclassified version of 
the report be made  available, and in addition, that the report must be made 
available to all  members of Congress. 
Radel’s amendment was passed by voice vote. 
Next,_ an amendment offered by Representative Bob Goodlatte _ 
(http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/bdquery/z?d113:hz150:) (R-Va.)  would require 
the federal 
government, in habeas proceedings for U.S. citizens  apprehended in the 
United States pursuant to the Authorization for the Use of  Military Force 
(AUMF), to prove by “clear and convincing evidence” that the  citizen is an 
unprivileged enemy combatant and there is not presumption that the  
government's 
evidence is accurate and authentic. 
The House approved the Goodlatte amendment by a vote of 214-211. 
Finally, _an amendment by Representative Paul Broun _ 
(http://amendments-rules.house.gov/amendments/BROUN_042611130948174817.pdf) 
(R-Ga.) forbids the  
Department of Defense from killing a citizen of the United States by a  
drone attack unless that person is actively engaged in combat against the  
United States. 
This trio of amendments represents a laudable attempt to restrain the power 
 of the executive. As constitutionalists and civil libertarians are aware, 
recent  occupants of the Oval Office have usurped sweeping unconstitutional 
powers,  including the authority to target Americans for indefinite 
detention, to  withhold from them rights that have been recognized as 
unalienable 
since before  the Magna Carta, and to kill American citizens who have been 
charged with no  crime and been given no opportunity to defend themselves from 
the accusations  that qualified them for summary assassination. 
Despite these small victories in the battle to restore constitutionally  
protected liberty, the debate on the 2014 NDAA provided several examples of  
Congress violating their oaths of office by shrinking the scope of basic 
rights  and expanding the power of the president to act as de facto (and now, 
de 
jure)  judge, jury, and executioner. 
For example, two amendments offered by Representative Adam Smith (D-Wash.)  
were rejected by his colleagues, to their dishonor. 
Smith’s_ first proposed amendment_ 
(http://amendments-rules.house.gov/amendments/SMITWA_005_xml61013180326326.pdf) 
 would have prohibited indefinite  
military detention of any person detained under AUMF authority in the United  
States, territories, or possessions by providing immediate transfer to 
trial and  proceedings by a court established under Article III of the 
Constitution or by  an appropriate state court. 
Not surprisingly, Smith’s amendment failed to garner approval, being voted  
down by a vote of 200-226 (213 Republicans voted against Smith’s 
amendment). 
This was not the first time the “conservatives” in Congress rejected a  
proposal by Representative Smith that would have protected due process and  
disgorged the president of powers to which he is not entitled. During last  
year’s deliberations on the NDAA for Fiscal Year 2013, the House of  
Representatives voted to perpetuate the president’s power to indefinitely 
detain  
American citizens. 
By a vote of 238-182,_  members of Congress rejected the amendment offered 
by Smith and Justin Amash_ 
(http://www.thenewamerican.com/usnews/politics/item/11441-smith-amash-amendment-rejected-indefinite-detention-still-the-law)
  
 (R-Mich.) that would have repealed the indefinite detention provision 
passed  overwhelmingly in 2011 as part of the 2012 NDAA. 
The Fiscal Year 2013 NDAA retained the indefinite detention provisions, as  
well as the section permitting prisoners to be transferred from civilian  
jurisdiction to the custody of the military. 
"The frightening thing here is that the government is claiming the power  
under the Afghanistan authorization for use of military force as a 
justification  for entering American homes to grab people, indefinitely detain 
them 
and not  give them a charge or trial," Representative Amash said during House 
debate last  year. 
In his impassioned speech supporting the amendment he proposed last year,  
Representative Smith reminded his colleagues that the NDAA granted to the  
president “extraordinary” powers and divested the American people of key 
civil  liberties, as well as divesting civilian courts of their constitutional  
jurisdiction. 
Smith pointed out that there was no need to transfer suspects into military 
 custody as “hundreds” of terrorists have been tried in federal courts 
since the  attacks of September 11, 2001. 
The more things change, the more they stay the same. Members of  Congress — 
mostly Republican members — have united in firm defense of  the president’
s unconstitutional power to apprehend and indefinitely detain  Americans. 
There are very few more powerful reminders that there is no party in  
Washington, D.C., that is committed to faithfully adhering to the oath of 
office  
or to the upholding of the manifold God-given rights that are guaranteed by 
the  Constitution. 
Finally, there is in the NDAA for 2014, a frightening fusion of the federal 
 government’s constant surveillance of innocent Americans and the 
assistance it  will give to justifying the indefinite detention of anyone 
labeled an 
enemy of  the regime. 
_Section 1061 of the 2014 NDAA_ 
(http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/F?c113:2:./temp/~c113QP5I3R:e574395:)  
approved by the House expands on  the scope 
of surveillance established by the Patriot Act and the AUMF. Sec.  1061(a) 
authorizes the secretary of efense to "establish a center to be known as  
the 'Conflict Records Research Center.’” According to the current text of the 
 NDAA, the center would be tasked with compiling a “digital research 
database  including translations and to facilitate research and analysis of 
records  captured from countries, organizations, and individuals, now or once 
hostile to  the United States.” 
In order to accomplish the center’s purpose, the secretary of defense will  
create an information exchange in cooperation with the director of national 
 intelligence. 
Key to the functioning of this information exchange will be the collection 
of  “captured records.” Section 1061(g)(1), defines a captured record as "a 
 document, audio file, video file, or other material captured during combat 
 operations from countries, organizations, or individuals, now or once  
hostile to the United States." 
When read in conjunction with the provision of the AUMF that left the War 
on  Terror open-ended and previous NDAAs’ classification of the United States 
as a  battleground in that unconstitutional war, and you’ve got a powerful 
combination  that can knock out the entire Bill of Rights. 
Finally, when all the foregoing is couched within the context of the  
revelations regarding the dragnet surveillance programs of the NSA, it becomes  
evident that anyone’s phone records, e-mail messages, browsing history, text  
messages, and social media posts could qualify as a “captured record.” 
After being seized by the NSA (or some other federal surveillance 
apparatus),  the seized materials would be processed by the Conflict Records 
Research 
Center  created by this bill. This center's massive database of electronic 
information  and its collaboration with the NSA converts the United States 
into a constantly  monitored holding cell and all its citizens and residents 
into suspects. All, of  course, in the name of security. 
To wit, Americans zealous about retaining their rights and resisting the  
constant repeal of them by the federal government would be wise to remember 
the  words James Madison wrote to Thomas Jefferson in 1798: “It is a 
universal truth  that the loss of liberty at home is to be charged to the 
provisions 
against  danger, real or pretended, from abroad.” 

Photo of NSA headquarters in Fort Meade 
Joe A. Wolverton, II, J.D. is a correspondent for The New  American and 
travels frequently nationwide speaking on topics of  nullification, the NDAA, 
and the surveillance state. He can be reached at 
_jwolverton@thenewamerican.com_ (mailto:jwolver...@thenewamerican.com)  


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