http://www.nytimes.com/2007/02/08/opinion/08thur1.html?th&emc=th

Lead Editorial

Mr. Bush's Improbable Budget
Published: February 8, 2007

President Bush claims that his new $2.9 trillion budget request is a
tough-minded plan for balancing the books by 2012. In reality, it's a
smokescreen for making Mr. Bush's tax cuts permanent - and either hollowing
out the government in the process or digging the country deeper into debt.

The budget is based on a series of improbable, if not dishonest,
assumptions. To make it appear as if the tax cuts are affordable in the near
term, it assumes that the Pentagon will not spend a single penny on Iraq or
Afghanistan after 2009. It also assumes there will be no costs for fixing
the alternative minimum tax after this year, even though Mr. Bush and
virtually every politician in America is committed to such relief.

The new budget would also slash key entitlement programs and punish many of
the country's most vulnerable citizens. Sharp reductions are envisioned for
Medicare, with cuts of $66 billion over five years, and Medicaid, down
approximately $11 billion. Some of the Medicare proposals could serve as
useful starting points for a debate on controlling costs through such steps
as raising premiums for high-income beneficiaries. But the Medicaid cuts
would be largely counterproductive. At a time when the number of uninsured
children is rising, the cuts would force many states to reduce their
Medicaid rolls.

Mr. Bush's budget would also take an ax to most other domestic spending. One
program that would be gone entirely in 2008 provides monthly bags of
groceries, each worth less than $20, to 440,000 needy elderly people. The
$99 million block grant to states to help pay for preventive health care
would also be eliminated. Other cuts - in Head Start, veterans' health care,
environmental protection, scientific research, low-income housing and
heating assistance, to name a few - would start in 2008 and grow, totaling
$114 billion over five years. Such cuts would be shortsighted and cruel.
They would also be politically impossible to enact - further exposing Mr.
Bush's budget as the sham it is.

Even if they were achievable, the proposed spending reductions would be
grossly unfair. Government programs that serve middle-class and low-income
Americans would be slashed to offset the cost of extending tax cuts that
favor the rich. In 2012 alone, the president's new budget would cut domestic
discretionary spending by $34 billion, while tax cuts for households with
incomes above $1 million would total $73 billion. In all, by 2012, 20
percent of the tax cuts would go to that richest sliver of Americans;
one-third of the benefits would go to households with incomes over $400,000.

Mr. Bush's new budget has a few worthwhile nuggets, like a proposed increase
in Pell grants for low-income college students and a jump in the funds for
AIDS treatment worldwide. In drafting a real budget, Congress can take those
items from the president's version, and jettison the rest.

***

Fix the system with Medicare for all

By Marcia Angell  |  January 29, 2007
The Boston Globe

http://www.boston.com/yourlife/health/other/articles/2007/01/29/fix_the_system_with_medicare_for_all/

THE GREATEST source of insecurity for many Americans is
the soaring cost of health care. Leaving jobs can mean
losing health insurance, and even when insurance is
offered, many workers turn it down because they can't
afford their growing share of the premiums.

Businesses are having trouble, too. Those that provide
good health benefits see more of their revenues
siphoned off by the health insurance industry, with a
resulting loss of competitiveness (General Motors
spends far more on health benefits than Toyota).

Insurance is not the same thing as health care -- not
by a long shot. Private insurers maximize profits
mainly by limiting benefits or by not covering people
with health problems. The United States is the only
advanced country in the world with a health care system
based on avoiding sick people.

It's not surprising, then, that health care reform is
at the top of the political agenda. Most current
proposals de-couple health benefits from employment and
encourage individuals to buy their own insurance. The
fact that they were ever coupled is a historical
accident; there is no logical reason for it. Yet,
employment-based insurance has been the only practical
option for people not old enough for Medicare or poor
enough for Medicaid, since the individual insurance
market is notoriously treacherous.

In his State of the Union address, President Bush
proposed tax deductions for individuals who venture
into that market and buy insurance on their own. Family
premiums above $15,000 and single premiums above $7,500
would be taxed. This is a gesture, not a plan. It is
just one more example of the conceit, shared by many on
the right, that nearly any problem can be solved by
jiggering the tax code. In fact, many of the uninsured
don't pay taxes at all, and many more would find their
small tax relief greatly outweighed by the price of
insurance.

More serious proposals are coming from the states, with
Massachusetts in the lead. These aim for universal
coverage by requiring uninsured individuals to purchase
health insurance, under pain of -- you guessed it --
tax penalties, with state subsidies for the poor and
near poor. In Massachusetts, there will be a token
contribution by employers who don't provide health
benefits, but most of the cost will be borne by
individuals. A new state agency, the Commonwealth
Health Insurance Connector, is charged with seeing that
insurers offer adequate benefit packages at reasonable
premiums.

Though well-intentioned, plans like these all have the
same fatal flaw: They offer no workable mechanism to
control costs, mainly because they leave the private
insurance industry in place. Yet, soaring costs are the
fundamental problem ; lack of coverage follows from
that. Already the Massachusetts Connector is having
difficulty holding premiums down to the levels forecast
when the plan was enacted. Even if they are held down
at the start, there is little to stop insurers from
raising them afterward , shrinking benefits, or both.
It will take a large and costly bureaucracy to ride
herd on all the ways to game this system. Perhaps the
biggest risk is that failure will give universal care a
bad name, just as the failure of the Clinton plan did
13 years ago. (That plan, too, made the mistake of
giving the private insurance industry a central role.)

We need to change the system completely and get the
insurance industry, as well as employers, out of it.
Private insurance companies offer little of value, yet
skim off 15 to 25 percent of the health care dollar for
profits and overhead. It would make much more sense to
extend Medicare to everyone. That could be done
gradually by dropping the eligibility age a decade at a
time, while phasing out the insurance companies. The
loss of insurance jobs would probably be more than
offset by job gains in other industries no longer
saddled with health costs.

Medicare is not perfect, but its problems are readily
fixed. It is far more efficient than private insurance,
with overhead of less than 4 percent, and since it is
administered by a single public agency, controlling
costs would be possible. Unlike private insurers, it
cannot select whom to cover or deny care to those who
need it most.

It is time to stop tinkering at the margins. Medicare
for all is the only reform that has a prayer of
providing universal coverage while containing costs.

Dr. Marcia Angell is a senior lecturer at Harvard
Medical School and former editor-in-chief of the New
England Journal of Medicine.
(c) Copyright 2007 The New York Times Company

***

"The NY Times noted that the cost of the war would have paid for
universal healthcare in the US, nursery education for all three and
four-year-olds in the country, immunisation for children round the world
against a host of diseases, and still leave about half of the money left
over."

http://www.commondreams.org/headlines07/0206-04.htm

      Published on Tuesday, February 6, 2007 by the Guardian / UK

       Bush Slashes Aid to Poor to Boost Iraq War Chest
       Bill for Iraq conflict will soon overtake Vietnam
       $78bn squeeze on medical care for elderly and poor

      by Ewen MacAskill

      President George Bush is proposing to slash medical care for the poor
and elderly to meet the soaring cost of the Iraq war.

      Mr Bush's $2.9 trillion (£1.5 trillion) budget, sent to Congress
yesterday, includes $100bn extra for the Iraq and Afghanistan wars for this
year, on top of $70bn already allocated by Congress and $141.7bn next year.
He is planning an 11.3% increase for the Pentagon. Spending on the Iraq war
is destined to top the total cost of the 13-year war in Vietnam.

      The huge rise in military spending is paid for by a squeeze on
domestic programmes, including $66bn in cuts over five years to Medicare,
the healthcare scheme for the elderly, and $12bn from the Medicaid
healthcare scheme for the poor.

      Mr Bush said: "Today we submit a budget to the United States Congress
that shows we can balance the budget in five years without raising taxes ...
Our priority is to protect the American people. And our priority is to make
sure our troops have what it takes to do their jobs."

      Although Democrats control Congress and have promised careful scrutiny
of the budget over the next few months, Mr Bush has left in them in a bind,
unwilling to withhold funds for US troops on the frontline. Nancy Pelosi,
the House speaker, said the days when Mr Bush could expect a blank cheque
for the wars were over but she also insisted the Democrats would not deny
troops the money they needed. Democrats could block Mr Bush's proposed cuts
to 141 domestic programmes.

      John Spratt, the Democratic chairman of the House budget committee,
said: "I doubt that Democrats will support this budget and, frankly, I will
be surprised if Republicans rally around it either."

      Kent Conrad, the Democratic chairman of the Senate budget committee,
said: "The president's budget is filled with debt and deception,
disconnected from reality, and continues to move America in the wrong
direction. This administration has the worst fiscal record in history and
this budget does nothing to change that."

      The Vietnam war cost about $614bn at today's prices. According to the
Congressional Research Service, the Iraq war has so far cost $500bn. About
90% of the spending on the Iraq and Afghanistan wars goes to Iraq. In
addition to the spending on Iraq and Afghanistan this year and next, Mr Bush
is seeking $50bn for 2009.

      Mr Bush said the fact there was no projected figure for 2010 did not
mean he expected US troops to be out of Iraq by then. He said he did not
want to set a timetable "because we don't want to send mixed signals to an
enemy or to a struggling democracy or to our troops".

      Included in the budget is $5.6bn for the extra 21,500 US troops that
Mr Bush ordered to Iraq last month. Some Democrats have threatened to
withhold this part of the budget but more than half of the troops are in
place with the others on the way. A plan to build the Joint Strike Aircraft
has been withheld. Its absence, at the request of the Pentagon, could have a
knock-on effect for jobs in the UK.

      In the run-up to the invasion in 2003, the Pentagon's projected
estimate of the total cost of the war was $50bn. A White House economic
adviser, Lawrence Lindsey, was fired by President Bush when he suggested
that the total cost would be $200bn.

      The New York Times noted that the cost of the war would have paid for
universal healthcare in the US, nursery education for all three and
four-year-olds in the country, immunisation for children round the world
against a host of diseases, and still leave about half of the money left
over.

      The Pentagon has long complained that it is overstretched. Mr Bush
wants to raise its budget from $600.3bn to $624.6bn for 2008 - about 20% of
the total budget.

      © Guardian News and Media Limited 2007








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