----- Original Message ----- 
From: "Yoshie Furuhashi" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Wednesday, July 16, 2008 11:26 PM
Subject: [R-G] Policy Shift Seen in U.S. Decision on Iran Talks


Among all the factors impacting oil prices -- many years of
underinvestment and little spare production capacity, expectations of
long-term economic growth in China and other countries in the South,
pension funds and others investing in commodity futures, etc. -- the
only one that is entirely and immediately under Washington's control
is some of the geopolitical risk premiums that _it has foolishly
created itself_.  Most importantly, tell Israel to shut up, and accept
nuclear Iran.  Maybe even the Bush administration has finally realized
that. -- Yoshie

<http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/17/world/middleeast/17iran.html>
July 17, 2008
News Analysis
Policy Shift Seen in U.S. Decision on Iran Talks
By ELAINE SCIOLINO and STEVEN LEE MYERS

PARIS — The Bush administration's decision to send a senior American
official to participate in international talks with Iran this weekend
reflects a double policy shift in the struggle to resolve the impasse
over the country's nuclear program.

First, the Bush administration has decided to abandon its longstanding
position that it would meet face to face with Iran only after the
country suspended its uranium enrichment, as demanded by the United
Nations Security Council.

Second, an American partner at the table injects new importance to the
negotiating track of the six global powers confronting Iran — France,
Britain, Germany, Russia, China and the United States — even though
their official stance is that no substantive talks can begin until
uranium enrichment stops.

The increased engagement raised questions of whether the Bush
administration would alter its stance toward Iran as radically as it
did with North Korea, risking a fresh schism with conservatives who
have accused the White House of granting concessions to so-called
rogue states without extracting enough in return.

The administration sought to describe the talks as a continuation of
the same strategy it has always pursued: halting Iran's nuclear
activities without having to resort to military force.

The presence of William J. Burns, the under secretary of state for
political affairs, at the meeting with Saeed Jalili, Iran's nuclear
negotiator, in Geneva on Saturday, will send "a strong signal to the
Iranian government that the United States is committed to diplomacy,"
the State Department spokesman, Sean McCormack, told reporters on
Wednesday. Mr. McCormack insisted that there had been no change in
policy.

All of the Bush administration's diplomatic partners, as well as
Javier Solana, the European Union's foreign policy chief and the
leader of the talks, have been pressing Washington for some time to
join in. They argue that the Iranians will take any proposal seriously
only if the United States is a full partner.

European officials hailed the decision as an important shift signaling
that with just six months left, the Bush administration is seeking to
avoid a war with Iran.

"We are very pleased by the administration's decision," said Cristina
Gallach, Mr. Solana's spokeswoman, in a telephone interview. "It is a
clear signal to the Iranians of the engagement of the United States
and its commitment to a negotiated solution. At the same time, it is a
clear message to the Iranians of the seriousness of this exercise."

A senior European official directly involved in the diplomacy also
welcomed the decision to send Mr. Burns, the State Department's
third-ranking official, calling it a "major change" in American
policy.

Dana M. Perino, the White House press secretary, said it was Secretary
of State Condoleezza Rice who had approached the president about
sending Mr. Burns. One official, speaking on condition of anonymity,
said that Ms. Rice had decided to test Iran's willingness to consider
an international package of incentives meant to coax Iran into making
concessions on its nuclear program.

The combination of diplomacy and increasing sanctions, including those
by the European Union against Iran's largest bank last month, had
produced some signals within Iran that it might being softening its
stance, and Ms. Rice "decided it was a chance to press the advantage,"
the official said. Vice President Dick Cheney and other senior aides
discussed the idea as well, said the official, who was not identified
because he was speaking about internal discussions.

The extent of American involvement remains unclear. Mr. McCormack
described Mr. Burns's participation in the talks as "a one-time-only
deal." Ms. Perino would not rule out additional meetings with the
Iranians, saying it depended on the outcome of the meeting.

Some administration officials have even discussed whether to post
American officials in Iran without established diplomatic relations,
as in Cuba, but have said a decision has not yet been made.

The presence of an American at the talks this weekend may help quiet
the mounting calls in both the United States and Israel for military
strikes against Iran because of its recent expansion of its uranium
enrichment program and its unwillingness to fully explain its
suspicious past nuclear activities.

In Tehran, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran's supreme leader, said
Wednesday that his country had "clearly defined red lines" that had to
be respected in negotiations, a reference to Iran's insistence that it
has the right to peaceful nuclear energy.

But "if the negotiating parties enter negotiations with respect toward
the Iranian nation" and "with the observance of these red lines, the
officials of our country will negotiate," the ayatollah said in a
speech quoted by state radio, Reuters reported.

Ms. Perino said that if Iran's government rejected the incentive
package, the United States would seek further sanctions against the
country's leaders and state-owned companies, and encourage others to
do so.

Still, the decision to attend the talks came under attack from some
conservatives, who criticized the White House for not standing by its
policy of refusing to negotiate until Iran suspended its uranium
enrichment.

"Just when you think the administration is out of U-turns, they make
another one," said John R. Bolton, a former ambassador to the United
Nations, who was highly critical of the administration's decision to
remove North Korea from the list of state sponsors of terrorism last
month. "This is further evidence of the administration's complete
intellectual collapse."

>From the opposite side of the spectrum, Senator John Kerry, Mr. Bush's
Democratic opponent in 2004, said the decision could be "the most
welcome flip-flop in recent diplomatic history."

American and Iranian midlevel envoys, including the American
ambassador to Iraq, Ryan C. Crocker, have met episodically in several
face-to-face talks in Baghdad in an effort to discuss common concerns
over Iraq.

But there have been very few other direct encounters between American
and Iranian officials since relations between the countries were
severed after Iran seized the American Embassy in late 1979.

During the hostage crisis, President Carter once secretly sent
Hamilton Jordan, his chief of staff, dressed in disguise as a
potential negotiator.

In 1986, in an effort to free several American hostages in Lebanon,
President Reagan sent his national security adviser, Robert C.
McFarlane, on a secret arms-for-hostages mission to Iran. He went
bearing a key-shaped chocolate cake and a Bible that Mr. Reagan had
inscribed with a New Testament passage.

The first President Bush was so eager to begin a dialogue with Iran
that he once answered a phone call expecting to find Ali Akbar Hashemi
Rafsanjani, then the president, on the line. The call was a hoax.

There were also unannounced midlevel contacts involving American and
Iranian officials on the sidelines of six-country talks on Afghanistan
in Geneva several years ago.

A determining factor in the American decision to attend the meeting
this weekend appeared to have been Iran's reaction to the fact that
Ms. Rice signed a letter that was part of the package of political and
economic incentives presented by the six powers in Tehran last month.

Iran's foreign minister, Manouchehr Mottaki, was described by
participants in the meeting as being visibly stunned by her signature
on the document along with those of her counterparts.

Mr. Mottaki formally responded to the proposal in a letter this month,
addressing it to Ms. Rice as well as Mr. Solana and the five foreign
ministers of the five other countries. The gesture to include Ms. Rice
was seen as a sign of Iran's willingness to engage directly with the
United States.

The Iranian letter ignored the important issue of its uranium
enrichment activities but said Iran sought to "find common ground
through logical and constructive actions," according to officials who
read it.

Under the incentives proposal offered to Iran, the two sides would
agree to a brief mutual "freeze for freeze" under which Iran would not
increase its uranium enrichment activities and the six powers would
not seek additional international sanctions.

For substantive negotiations to officially begin, Iran would first
have to halt its production of enriched uranium, which, depending on
the enrichment level, can be used to produce electricity or fuel
bombs.

But some European officials engaged in the diplomacy conceded that
negotiations had already started, and that Iran had successfully
opened a negotiating process while continuing its nuclear activities.

Elaine Sciolino reported from Paris, and Steven Lee Myers from Washington.

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