http://www.thenation.com/doc/20060703/younge
The Nation, July 3, 2006

Rebels With a Cause
by Gary Younge


Politically speaking, I was born in a black hole. It was January 1969. Less
than a year after the student uprisings of 1968 and just six months before
Neil Armstrong landed on the moon. Back then I'm sure anything seemed
possible. But by the time I had come of age all sense of political
possibility had effectively been extinguished. As a 15-year-old in Britain I
broke my activist's milk teeth on the miners' strike. My side lost. And for
the next ten years, with the exception of the struggle for majority rule in
South Africa (a victory we would have to share with our parents), every
major progressive battle I was involved in would end in ignominious defeat.
And if the sting of these losses did not suffice, there was also the
condescension of my elders to deal with. Those who took to the streets in
1968 would wax wistful for the days when you could picket an embassy, occupy
your college, throw some cobblestones at the police and still have change
left out of ten bucks. Then they would express their political
disappointment in those who were born in '68 for not carrying the torch.

"Youth," wrote German playwright Bertolt Brecht, "is when you blame your
troubles on your parents; maturity is when you learn that everything is the
fault of the younger generation."

Yet over the past year or so a new generation of activists has emerged on
the global stage that has proved itself both sophisticated and
extraordinarily effective.

The last few weeks saw more than 700,000 students skip classes in Chile to
demand free public transport, lower fees for college entrance exams and
greater participation in government. Meanwhile, in France over the past
seven months, there have been two episodes of revolt--one of minority youth
in the banlieues in response to racist policing and discrimination, and the
other of students and youth in the city centers against a proposed
employment law that would have made young workers more vulnerable to being
fired.


Closer to home, there has been the crucial involvement of Latino youth in
the demonstrations against the anti-immigrant Sensenbrenner bill. An
estimated 70,000 turned out in San Diego County; in Los Angeles County
46,000 students left school over the course of the protests; in Dallas
around 3,300 demonstrated. While some briefly stormed City Hall, others
stood outside chanting "Viva Latinos, viva Mexico!"

The urge to diminish these protests was irresistible to some. "These kids
don't know anything," one radio commentator told Fox News's Bill O'Reilly.
Several Congressmen branded them truants, apparently unaware of how much
more difficult it would be to stay in school if they or their parents were
deported as the legislation suggested. But whatever else these youngsters
may have learned in class, they clearly know enough to bring governments to
the negotiating table and wrest major concessions from them once there.

In Chile the recently elected socialist president, Michelle Bachelet,
offered an extra $200 million for transport, some free lunches, mostly free
university entrance exams and the renovation of dilapidated buildings. She
also set aside twelve of seventy-three seats for young people on an advisory
panel on education--a package the students finally accepted.

In France the first set of riots forced the government to unveil a raft of
measures to tackle banlieue deprivation. The second, which saw two-thirds of
universities occupied, blockaded or closed, hundreds of schools taken over
and between 1 million and 3 million in the streets, forced a total
climb-down. The concrete outcome of the immigrant rights mobilization is
still in the balance, but it gave voice to a dynamic constituency that can
no longer be ignored.

These demonstrations were in no way connected. Yet together--with still
other recent examples, from pro-reform students holding rallies and clashing
with police in Iran, to thousands in Germany protesting tuition fees--they
suggest a surge of consciousness, confidence and activism among young people
that goes beyond the immediate local demands of each protest. These young
people may have grown up in grim times, but unlike my lost generation they
have not been schooled in defeat. They are gaining an awareness of their
strength at least in part because they have not been taunted by a sense of
their weakness.

"I felt pretty good about what we did that day," Edward Chavez, who led a
walkout of Bowie high school in El Paso, told the local Newspaper Tree.
"People come up to me now and ask me when there's going to be another
protest. They're ready to march. The Zapatistas are coming to Juárez this
summer and we want to take students there to talk to Subcomandante Marcos."

For some from the '68 generation this will, of course, never be enough. "The
young people [now] have a negative vision of the future," said Daniel
Cohn-Bendit, a k a Danny le Rouge, who headed the Paris protests almost
forty years ago, referring to the most recent student demonstrations in
France. "May 1968 was an offensive movement, with a positive vision...but
today's protests are all against things. They are defensive, based on fear
of insecurity and change."

Cohn-Bendit is right to draw a distinction, but the differences are far from
flattering to his generation. The demonstrators today are in general
younger, poorer and darker than those of forty years ago. Young women are
more likely to take a leadership role; their parents are more likely to
support them. These are not middle-class students seeking an alliance with
the workers; they are working-class students seeking a share of middle-class
entitlement. The chant of Paris '68 was "Under the paving stones, the
beach." But these young people have their feet on the ground and know that
underneath it there is only more concrete.

"This is not romantic at all," says Karl Stoeckel, the 19-year-old who led
the students in Paris recently. "It's important and it's very serious. We
are doing this for the future of all the generations who are going to follow
us."

***

VENEZUELA SOLIDARITY NETWORK
Washington, DC

For Release on July 5, 2006

For more information contact:
Shirley Pate at 202-277-8252

U2'S BONO BACKS INSIDIOUS PROPAGANDA:

VIDEOGAME WITH VENEZUELA INVASION THEME

WASHINGTON D.C. - U2's Bono, well recognized for his campaigns to reduce
poverty and treat AIDS in Africa is backing a videogame which promotes
the invasion and destruction of Venezuela in order to check "a power
hungry tyrant" who has "seized control of Venezuela and her oil supply."
Bono has failed to respond to concerns raised by the Venezuelan
Solidarity Network about his funding of this project.

"Mercenaries 2:  World in Flames," created by Los Angeles based
Pandemic/Bioware Studios, simulates a mercenary invasion of Venezuela in
the year 2007. Pandemic is a subcontractor for the US Army and CIA
funded Institute for Creative Technologies, which uses Hollywood
techniques to mount war simulations in California's high desert in order
to conduct military training.  "Mercenaries 2: World in Flames"
simulates destruction in downtown Caracas, and promises to leave no part
of Venezuela untouched.

Elevation Partners is an investment firm that Bono helped create in
order to exploit marketing opportunities between U2 and its fans,
including projects from Pandemic/Bioware Studios.  Pandemic states that
as a partner in Elevation Partners, Bono "has visibility into all
projects at Pandemic and Bioware."

Pandemic's target market is young men of military recruitment age and
indeed this is not Pandemic's first military adventure.  MSNBC reported
that the videogame 'Full Spectrum Warrior' was created through the
Institute for Creative Technologies in Marina Del Rey, Calif., a $45
million endeavor formed by the Army five years ago to connect academics
with local entertainment and video game industries.  The institute
subcontracted work to Los Angeles based Pandemic Studios."
(http://msnbc.msn.com/id/3131181#storyContinued)

One cannot escape the irony that today, July 5, Venezuela celebrates its
independence -- just one day after the US celebrated its own.  The most
enduring aspect of an independent country is assertion of its
sovereignty and demand that the world recognize international laws
protecting that sovereignty.  Yet, amid relentless US threats against
Venezuela, a US-based company, Pandemic, which collaborates with the US
Army to promote war, plans to market a videogame which advocates a most
violent violation of Venezuela's sovereignty.

Although Bono remains silent on the matter and Pandemic insists that
"Mercenaries 2: World in Flames" is "a work of fictional entertainment"
and "Venezuela was chosen for the setting of Mercenaries 2 (because it)
is a fascinating and colorful country full of wonderful architecture,
geography and culture," members of the Venezuela Solidarity Network are
appalled by the game's openly racist, interventionist attitude.  Says
Chuck Kaufman, of Alliance for Global Justice, "if it's 'just a game'
and it's all about selecting fascinating and colorful locales, why
didn't Pandemic select Dublin or Washington, D.C.?  Because people would
be outraged, that's why.  Pandemic is simply capitalizing on negative
and inaccurate U.S. press stories about Venezuela and its leader, Hugo
Chavez, in order to make a quick buck.  It's another piece of
anti-Venezuelan propaganda that serves only the U.S. military, pure and
simple."

Gunnar Gundersen of the Oregon Bolivarian Circle says, "We have family
and friends in Venezuela and many of us have walked and stayed in the
places featured in the war game.  To us, these are not just clever
abstract pictures.  They are scenes of a place we consider our second
home.  Please try to imagine how Venezuelans must feel viewing a bulky,
blonde, military man laying waste to their country, a country that is
finally rising above a 500-year history of oppression and exploitation
by foreign powers."

The Venezuelan Solidarity Network calls for Bono, who has appealed to
the world on many occasions for peace and poverty reduction, to apply
those same values to block the manufacture and distribution of this
videogame.

-30-






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