http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article16130.htm
100,000 mercenaries, the forgotten "Surge"

By Barry Lando

01/10/07 "Alternet" --- - What is striking about the current debate in
Washington - whether to "surge" troops to Iraq and increase the size of the
U.S. Army - is that roughly 100,000 bodies are missing from the equation:
The number of American forces in Iraq is not 140,000, but more like 240,000.

What makes up the difference is the huge army of mercenaries - known these
days as "private contractors." After the U.S. Army itself, they are easily
the second-largest military force in the country. Yet no one seems sure of
how many there are since they answer to no single authority. Indeed, the
U.S. Central Command has only recently started taking a census of these
battlefield civilians in an attempt to get a handle on the issue...

The private contractors are Americans, South Africans, Brits, Iraqis and a
hodgepodge of other nationalities. Many of them are veterans of the U.S. or
other armed forces and intelligence services, who are now deployed in Iraq
(and Afghanistan and other countries) to perform duties normally carried out
by the U.S. Army, but at salaries two or three times greater than those of
American soldiers.

They work as interrogators and interpreters in American prisons; body guards
for top U.S. and Iraqi officials; trainers for the Iraqi army and police;
and engi-neers constructing huge new U.S. bases. They are often on the front
lines. In fact, 650 of them have been killed in Iraq since the 2003 invasion

Their salaries, are, in the end, paid directly by the U.S. government - or
tacked on as huge additional "security charges" to the bills of private
American or other contractors. Yet the Central Command still doesn't have a
complete list of who they are or what they are up to. The final figure could
be much higher than 100,000.

The U.S. Congress, under Republican control until now, knows even less.

Yet these private contractors man their own helicopters and Humvees and look
and act just like American troops.

"It takes a great deal of vigilance on the part of the military commander to
en-sure contractor compliance," William L. Nash, a retired general, told the
Washington Post. "If you're trying to win hearts and minds and the
contractor is driving 90 miles per hour through the streets and running over
kids, that's not helping the image of the American army. The Iraqis aren't
going to distinguish between a contractor and a soldier."

But who, in the end, do these contractors answer to? The U.S. Central
Command? Their company boss? Or the official they've been assigned to
protect?

A recent case in point: The former Iraqi minister of electricity, who had
been imprisoned on corruption charges, managed to escape in broad daylight
in the heavily fortified Green Zone. Iraqi officials claim he was spirited
away by con-tractors from a private security detail that had been hired when
he was minis-ter.

Which raises another question. Who has jurisdiction over these private
contrac-tors if they run afoul of the law in Iraq? Also, are they supposed
to follow the Geneva Conventions? Or George W. Bush's conventions?

For instance, according to The New York Times, although 20 civilian
contractors working in U.S. prisons in Afghanistan and Iraq - including Abu
Ghraib - have been charged with mistreating prisoners, none has ever been
successfully prosecuted.

Another point, which brings us back to the discussion about increasing
Ameri-can troop levels in Iraq: It would seem that the Pentagon could
outsource a "surge" by a simple accounting sleight of hand, quietly
contracting for another 10,000 or 20,000 mercenaries to do the job, and the
Congress and press would be none the wiser.

Barry Lando, a former 60 Minutes producer, is the author of "Web of Deceit:
The History of Western Complicity in Iraq from Churchill to Kennedy to
George W. Bush." He also blogs at Barrylando.com.

***

From: "Sid Shniad" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Monday, January 08, 2007 3:44 PM

The Answers Have Changed

By Miko Peled

Miko Peled is the son of Israeli General Matityahu Peled, and
currently lives in San Diego.

It is said of Albert Einstein that he gave a particular exam to a class that
had already been given that exam.  Alarmed at what he saw and thinking it to
be the result of the professor's absent-mindedness, an assistant warned
Einstein of what he was about to do.  The Professor just smiled and said:
It's alright the answers have changed. The same thing goes for the Israeli
Palestinian conflict, the questions remain the same but now sixty years
after the establishment of the Jewish State, the answers have changed.

Until about ten years ago the answer to the question of how to achieve a
lasting peace in the Middle East was clear: Allowing the Palestinians to
establish a free, independent state in the West Bank and Gaza, alongside
Israel. But this answer known as the "Two State Solution" belongs to a
reality that no longer exists. Today, after 40 years of occupation the West
Bank is riddled with settlements and highways designated for Jews only;
Palestinians in the West bank and Gaza are imprisoned within a wall,
impoverished and starved and there is no political will within Israel to
partition the land of Israel and allow Palestinian independence - all of
which indicate that clearly the answers have changed.

So what is the answer to this very difficult question? Ten million people
reside between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea.  Approximately
5.5 million Jewish Israelis and 4.5 million Palestinians, all ruled by the
state of Israel, the Jewish State.  The conditions under which Palestinians
live range between being third class citizens within Israel, and living
under a military occupation with no representation, no human rights and no
civil rights.  Clearly this cannot go on forever and at some point Israel
will be forced to grant the Palestinians equal rights. What remains to be
seen is whether this will come as a result of intense violence and bloodshed
or a negotiated agreement.

Two books that have come out in recent months are relevant to this conflict
and both of them demonstrate that there is a tremendous amount of change in
the air. The first book that has received a great deal of attention is
"Palestine, Peace Not Apartheid" by former US President and staunch Israel
supporter, Jimmy Carter.  This book has opened the door for the first time
for a serious debate in the US regarding the Palestinian tragedy. In a
development that is almost unparalleled, a former US President characterizes
Israeli rule in the West Bank and Gaza as apartheid. Since the book came out
the debate has indeed been intense and there are no signs that this will
change any time soon.

The second book is "The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine" by Israeli historian
Illan Pappe. Categorizing the destruction of Palestine in the years
1947-1949 as ethnic cleansing is not new perhaps but it is worthy of mention
because it is becoming more widely accepted. Pappe's book, difficult though
it is due to its detailed accounts, provides an opportunity for an in-depth
study of the destruction of the Palestinian people and their homeland at the
hands of the Jewish forces during the Israeli War of Independence.  What
might come as news to many Jewish people around the world and to many non
Jewish Israel supporters is that it was in the aftermath of this campaign of
ethnic cleansing that the State of Israel was established upon the ruins of
Palestine.

What becomes apparent from reading the two books is that what Carter
describes is congruent with what is described in Pappe's book. In other
words, current Israeli policy towards the Palestinians is an extension of
the ethnic cleansing policies of the early years of the conflict.

One may argue over details in both Carter's book and Pappe's book, but one
cannot argue with the facts that the books describe:  Between the end of
1947 and the beginning of 1949, a time that Israel calls the War of
Independence, close to 800,000 Palestinians were forced into exile and
Palestinian identity in Palestine was almost entirely wiped out.  Today,
Israel continues to deny Palestinian identity, not to mention Palestinian
independence both within the boundaries of the State of Israel and within
the occupied territories.

One possible answer to the difficult question of the Israeli Palestinian
conflict could be drawn from the fact that Israel, by ruling over two
nations is already a bi-national state.  The solution could be to replace
the current system whereby only Israeli Jews enjoy the freedoms and rights
of full citizenry, with one that will allow Palestinians to enjoy those
rights as well.  This will create a fully democratic state in which both
Israelis and Palestinians live as equals, protected by a constitution that
allows both people to express their national, religious and cultural
identities.

This option of a constitutional democracy that includes both Israeli Jews
and Palestinians under one state is without a doubt one of the more
difficult answers. After 2000 years in exile and having survived the Nazi
holocaust, the Jewish people rose from the ashes like the phoenix to create
a state they can call their own. Now it seems that securing the future of
the people of Israel in the land of Israel will require not only vision but
also genuine political compromise.

Bringing an end to the Israeli Palestinian conflict demands a serious look
into the events that took place between the years 1947 and 2007:  The State
of Israel was created at the expense of another nation.  The choice today is
to fight until the last drop of blood has been shed, or to recognize the
need to establish a political framework that will allow both people to live
together in peace.







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