https://nacla.org/news/2013/5/9/new-york-times-venezuela-and-honduras-case-journalistic-misconduct

The New York Times on Venezuela and Honduras: A Case of Journalistic
Misconduct

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May 8 2013
Keane Bhatt



The day after Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez died, *New York Times* reporter
Lizette Alvarez provided a sympathetic portrayal of “outpourings of raucous
celebration and, to many, cautious optimism for the future” in Miami-Dade
County, Florida. Her article, “Venezuelan Expatriates See a Reason to
Celebrate,” noted that many had come to Miami to escape Chávez’s “iron grip
on the nation,” and quoted a Venezuelan computer software consultant who
said, bluntly: “We had a dictator. There were no laws, no justice.”1

[image: 1764]Photo Credit: The Guardian

A credulous reader of Alvarez’s report would have no idea that since 1998,
Chávez had triumphed in 14 of 15 elections or referenda, all of which were
deemed free and fair by international monitors. Chávez’s most recent
reelection, won by an 11-point margin, boasted an 81% participation rate;
former president Jimmy Carter described the “election process in Venezuela”
as “the best in the world” out of 92 cases that the Carter Center had
evaluated (an endorsement that, to date, has never been reported by the *
Times*).2

In contrast to Alvarez, who allowed her quotation describing Chávez as a
dictator to stand uncontested, *Times* reporter Neela Banerjee in 2008
cited false accusations hurled at President Obama by opponents—“he is a
Muslim who attended a madrassa in Indonesia as a boy and was sworn into
office on the Koran”—but immediately invalidated them: “In fact, he is a
Christian who was sworn in on a Bible,” she wrote in her next sentence.3 At
the *Times*, it seems, facts are deployed on a case-by-case basis.

The *Times* editorial board was even more dishonest in the wake of Chávez’s
death: “The Bush administration badly damaged Washington’s reputation
throughout Latin America when it unwisely blessed a failed 2002 military
coup attempt against Mr. Chávez,” wrote the paper, concealing its editorial
board’s own role in blessing that very coup at the time. In 2002, with the
“resignation [sic] of President Hugo Chávez, Venezuelan democracy is no
longer threatened by a would-be dictator,” declared a *Times *editorial,
bizarrely adding that “Washington never publicly demonized Mr. Chávez,”
that *actual* dictator Pedro Carmona was simply “a respected business
leader,” and that the U.S.-backed, two-day coup was “a purely Venezuelan
affair.”4

The editorial board—an initial champion of the de facto regime that issued
a diktat within hours to dissolve practically every branch of government,
including Venezuela’s National Assembly and Supreme Court—would 11 years
later brazenly criticize Chávez after his death for having “dominated
Venezuelan politics for 14 years with authoritarian methods.” The newspaper
argued that Chávez’s government “weakened judicial independence,
intimidated political opponents and human rights defenders, and ignored
rampant, and often deadly, violence by the police and prison guards.” After
lambasting Chávez’s record, the piece concluded that the United States
“should now make clear its support for democratic and civilian transition
in a post-Chávez Venezuela”—as if Chávez were anyone other than a fairly
elected leader with an overwhelming popular mandate.

But there is a country currently in the grip of an undemocratic,
illegitimate government that much more closely corresponds with the
*Times* editorial
board’s depiction of Venezuela: Honduras, which in 2009 suffered a coup
d’état that deposed its freely elected, left-leaning president, Manuel
Zelaya.

While the *Times* criticized Chávez for weakening judicial independence,
the newspaper could not be bothered to even report on the extraordinary
institutional breakdown of Honduras, when in December 2012, its Congress
illegally sacked four Supreme Court justices who voted against a law
proposed by the president, Porfirio Lobo, who himself had came to power in
2009 in repressive, sham elections held under a post-coup military
dictatorship and boycotted by most international election observers.

When it comes to intimidation of political opponents and human rights
defenders, Venezuela’s problems are almost imperceptible compared with
those of Honduras. Over 14 years under Chávez, Venezuela has had no record
of disappearances or murders of such individuals. In post-coup Honduras,
the practice is now endemic. In one year alone—2012—at least four leaders
of the Zelaya-organized opposition party Libre were slain, including
mayoral candidate Edgardo Adalid Motiño. In addition, two dozen journalists
and 70 members of the LGBT community have been killed since the coup,
including prominent LGBT anti-coup activists like Walter Tróchez and Erick
Martinez (neither case was sufficiently notable so as to warrant a mention
in the *Times*).

And although the *Times* editors decried police violence in Venezuela, the
Honduran police systematically engage in extrajudicial killings of their
own citizens. In December 2012, Julieta Castellanos, the chancellor of
Honduras’s largest university, presented the findings of a report detailing
149 killings committed by the Honduran National Police over the past two
years under Porfirio Lobo. In the face of over six killings by the police a
month, she warned, “It is alarming that the police themselves are the ones
killing people in this country. The public is in a state of defenselessness
and impunity.”5 Such alarm is further justified by Lobo’s appointment of
Juan Carlos “El Tigre” Bonilla as director of the National Police, despite
reports that he once oversaw death squads.6

Finally, the *Times* editorial board lamented Venezuelan prison violence.
But consider for context that the NGO Venezuelan Prisons Observatory,
consistently critical of Chávez, reported 591 prison deaths in 2012 for the
country of 30 million.7 In Honduras, a country with slightly more than a
quarter of Venezuela’s population, over 360 died in just one incident—a
2012 prison fire in Comayagua, in which prison authorities kept
firefighters from handling the conflagration for 30 crucial minutes while
the inmates’ doors remained locked. According to survivors, the guards
ignored their pleas for help as many burned alive.8

Given the contrast in the two countries’ democratic credentials and human
rights records, obvious questions arise: How has *The New York Times* portrayed
Venezuela and Honduras since Honduras’s 2009 coup d’état? If, in both its
news and opinion pages, the *Times* regularly prints accusations of
Venezuelan authoritarianism, what terminology has the *Times* employed to
describe the military government headed by Roberto Micheletti, which
assumed power after Zelaya’s overthrow, or the illegitimate Lobo
administration that succeeded it?

The answer is revealing. For almost four years, the *Times* has maintained
a double standard that is literally unfailing. Not a single contributor in
the *Times*’ over 100 news and opinion articles has ever referred to the
Honduran government as “autocratic,” “undemocratic,” or “authoritarian.”
Nor have *Times* writers ever once labeled Micheletti or Lobo “despots,”
“tyrants,” “strongmen,” “dictators,” or “*caudillos*.”

At the same time, from June 28, 2009, to March 7, 2013, the newspaper has
printed at least 15 news and opinion articles in which its contributors
have used any number of the aforementioned epithets for Chávez.9 (This
methodology excludes the typically vitriolic anti-Chávez blog entries that
the paper features on its website, as well as print pieces like Lizette
Alvarez’s, which quote someone describing Chávez as a dictator.)

During this period, the paper’s news reporters themselves have referred to
Chávez as a “despot,” an “authoritarian ruler,” and an “autocrat”; its
opinion writers have deemed him a “petro-dictator,” an “indomitable
strongman,” a “brutal neo-authoritarian,” a “warmonger,” and a
“colonel-turned-oil-sultan.” On the eve of Venezuela’s October elections, a
*Times* op-ed managed to call the Chávez administration “authoritarian” no
fewer than three times in 800 words.10 And Chávez’s death offered no
reprieve from this tendency: On March 6, reporter Simon Romero wrote about
Chávez’s gait—he “strutt[ed] like the strongman in a caudillo novel”—and
concluded that Chávez had “become, indeed, a caudillo.”11

[image: 1715]Photo Credit: New York Times Magazine

These most basic violations of journalistic standards—referring to a
democratically elected leader as a ruler with absolute power—does not
simply end with its writers. On July 24, 2011, Bill Keller, then the
newspaper’s executive editor, wrote the piece, “Why Tyrants Love the
Murdoch Scandal,” which included a graphic of Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe side
by side with Chávez. Keller referred to them both when he concluded,
“Autocrats will be autocrats.”12

But if despotism, defined as the cruel and oppressive exercise of absolute
power, is to have any meaning, it must apply to the Honduran government,
whose military—not just its police—routinely kills innocent civilians. On
May 26, 2012, for example, Honduran special forces killed 15-year-old Ebed
Yanez, and high-level officers allegedly managed its cover-up by
dispatching “six to eight masked soldiers in dark uniforms” to the
teenager’s body, poking it with rifles, and “[picking] up the empty bullet
casings” to conceal evidence that could be linked back to the military,
according to the Associated Press.13

The paradox of the *Times*—its derisive posture toward what it considers
antidemocratic tendencies in Venezuela as it simultaneously avoids the same
treatment of Honduras’s inarguable repression—can only be explained by one
crucial factor: Honduras has been a firm U.S. ally since Zelaya’s overthrow.

[image: 1716]Photo Credit: SOA Watch

In fact, the unit accused of killing Yanez was armed, trained, and vetted
by the United States—even its trucks were donated by the U.S. government.
As the AP further reported, in 2012, the U.S. Defense Department
appropriated $67.4 million for Honduran military contracts, with an
additional “$89 million in annual spending to maintain Joint Task Force
Bravo, a 600-member U.S. unit based at Soto Cano Air Base.” Furthermore,
“neither the State Department nor the Pentagon could provide details
explaining a 2011 $1.3 billion authorization for exports of military
electronics to Honduras.”14

The *Times*’ scrupulous, unerring record of avoiding disparaging
characterizations of Honduras’s human-rights-violating government may
explain why it has never once made reference to 94 Congress members’ demand
that the Obama administration withhold U.S. assistance to the Honduran
military and police in March 2012. Nor has the paper reported on 84
Congress members’ letter to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton later that
year, condemning Honduras’s “institutional breakdown” and “judicial
impunity.”15

When evaluating the newspaper’s relative silence on Honduras, it is worth
imagining if Chávez were to have ascended to power in as dubious a manner
as Lobo; if for years Venezuela’s government permitted its security
apparatus to regularly kill civilians; or if the Chávez administration
presided over conditions of impunity under which political opponents and
human rights activists were disappeared, tortured, and killed.

As a careful examination of the language and coverage of nearly four years
of *New York Times *articles reveals, concern for freedom and democracy in
Latin America has not been an honest concern for the liberal media
institution. The paper’s unwavering conformity to the posture of the U.S.
State Department—consistently vilifying an official U.S. enemy while
systematically downplaying the crimes of a U.S. ally—shows that its
foremost priority is to subordinate itself to the priorities of Washington.


------------------------------



1. Lizette Alvarez, ““Venezuelan Expatriates See a Reason to Celebrate,” *The
New York Times*, March 6, 2013.

2. Keane Bhatt, “A Hall of Shame for Venezuelan Elections Coverage,”
*Manufacturing
Contempt *(blog), nacla.org, October 8, 2012.

3. Neela Banerjee, “Obama Walks a Difficult Path as He Courts Jewish
Voters,” *The New York Times*, March 1, 2008.

4. “Hugo Chávez Departs,” *The New York Times*, April 13, 2002.

5. “Policías de Honduras, Responsables de 149 Muertes Violentas,” *La
Prensa,* December 3, 2012.

6. Katherine Corcoran and Martha Mendoza, “Juan Carlos Bonilla Valladares,
Honduras Police Chief, Investigated In Killing,” Associated Press, June 1,
2012.

7. Fabiola Sánchez, “Venezuela Prison Deaths: 591 Detainees Killed
Country’s Jails Last Year*,” *Associated Press, January 31, 2013.

8. “Hundreds Killed in ‘Hellish’ Fire at Prison in Honduras,” Associated
Press, February 16, 2012.

9. Author’s research, using LexisNexis database searches for identical
terms in reference to the two countries. For a detailed list of examples,
contact him at keane.l.bh...@gmail.com.

10. Francisco Toro, “How Hugo Chávez Became Irrelevant,” *The New York Times
*, October 6, 2012.

11. Simon Romero, “Hugo Chávez, Leader Who Transformed Venezuela, Dies at
58,” *The New York Times*, March 6, 2013.

12. Bill Keller, “Why Tyrants Love the Murdoch Scandal,” *The New York
Times Magazine*, July 24, 2011.

13. Alberto Arce, “Dad Seeks Justice for Slain Son in Broken Honduras,”
Associated Press, November 12, 2012.

14. Martha Mendoza, “US Military Expands Its Drug War in Latin America,”
Associated Press, February 3, 2013.

15. Office of Representative Jan Schakowsky, “94 House Members Send Letter
to Secretary Clinton Calling for Suspension of Assistance to Honduras,”
March 13, 2012. Correspondence from Jared Polis et al. to Secretary of
State Hillary Clinton, June 26, 2012.


------------------------------



*Keane Bhatt is a regular contributor to the Media Accuracy on Latin
America (MALA) section of *NACLA Report* and the creator of the
Manufacturing Contempt blog on nacla.org.*


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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