Vote NO on Calif Prop 90- the Anti-Education/
Anti-Enviro/Anti-Zoning/Anti-Property Rights Initiative

Rich's Stealth Campaign

by PETER SCHRAG

Nation Magazine, November 6, 2006 issue

Howard Rich is not a household name, and he is trying hard
never to become one. But this New York-based real estate
magnate and big-money player may well do more this fall to
bring down state and local zoning and environmental
regulations and to restrict state spending than any fifty
conservative officeholders.

You won't find Rich's name on any official political contribution
records. The estimated $11 million to $14 million he's kicked
in (so far) for state initiative campaigns in Arizona, California,
Idaho, Missouri, Montana, Nevada, Oklahoma, Oregon and
Washington comes through a cluster of organizations almost
as obscure as he is. Among them: the Fund for Democracy,
which he acknowledges is his personal front and which is
located in the same lower Manhattan building that he lists as
his address; Americans for Limited Government (ALG), which
he chairs; Club for Growth State Action, which Rich also
chairs and which shares ALG's Chicago address; Montanans
in Action, Oklahomans in Action, America At Its Best (or,
according to some of its state filings, America at it's Best),
Colorado At Its Best (ditto), U.S. Term Limits, which he heads
as president, and a handful of others.

But if this is some cross between self-effacement and
stealth, the measures he's bankrolling are mostly stealth.
California's Proposition 90, the Protect Our Homes Initiative
on the November ballot, is advertised as a way to stop state
and local governments from seizing private property by
eminent domain and delivering it to private developers. It's
supposedly a response to last year's Supreme Court
decision, in Kelo v. New London, in which the Court ruled 5 to
4 that a city could condemn even viable homes and
businesses for private urban redevelopment projects.

In fact Proposition 90, like similar measures in Arizona,
Idaho, Nevada and Washington, is a Trojan horse. Its major
target has nothing to do with Kelo or eminent domain. It's
aimed at "takings"--the alleged depreciation of property
values through land-use regulations for any purpose but
health or safety. Under the proposed measures, if a city
were to decide that it doesn't want any bar or liquor store
within a mile of a school or college campus, or to shut down
a porn shop as a public nuisance, the owners of that
commercial property could sue for the depreciation of their
property values--and sue not merely for its current value but
for what it would have been worth if it had been converted.
Similarly, if a state decides that, to prevent erosion or protect
habitat, a vulnerable hillside should not be the site of a new
housing development, or that a forest should not be clearcut,
the owners of the property could demand compensation
running into the millions. In effect, Proposition 90 and its
siblings, which are opposed by a wide array of cities,
counties and planning and environmental groups, would all
but close the door to most future environmental and
land-use controls.

Of the roughly $3.7 million raised so far for Proposition 90,
much of it to pay signature-gathering firms, only a small
fraction comes from within California. The rest, some $3.4
million, has come from the Fund for Democracy, Montanans in
Action, Club for Growth State Action, Colorado At Its Best and
Americans for Limited Government. In Arizona, Rich's Fund for
Democracy and Americans for Limited Government have so
far kicked in $1.1 million. In Idaho, the total is $412,000. In
Missouri, where the petitions were ruled invalid, the Rich
groups spent $2.3 million on the effort. In Washington the
total so far is $260,000. In Montana a state judge ruled that
petitions for three Rich measures were gathered through
"deceit, fraud and procedural noncompliance."

Since the funding for most of Rich's tax-exempt organizations
doesn't have to be publicly reported, there's no way to know
if it's all Rich's money or if some comes from others. In
Nebraska there's a TABOR (Taxpayers Bill of Rights) ballot
measure that, like similar measures proposed in Michigan,
Montana, Nevada, Oklahoma and Oregon, would limit
increases in state spending to increases in the cost of living
and population, a certain path to the erosion of
labor-intensive public services, whose cost (e.g., for health
and education) always rises faster than inflation. Last year in
Colorado, voters, with the support of Republican governor Bill
Owens, opted to suspend a key provision of that state's
TABOR because it pinched schools, higher education and
other services so badly. Nearly all funds for Nebraska's
TABOR come from America At Its Best, whose address is the
post office box of a law firm in Kalispell, Montana. According
to the Nebraska secretary of state's office, all of the funds
for America At Its Best come from Americans for Limited
Government, Club for Growth State Action, the Fund for
Democracy and the National Taxpayers Union.

Howie Rich, an unreconstructed libertarian, is hardly the first
deep-pocketed person to pursue his agenda through ballot
measures. Financier George Soros has put a few million into
drug-law-liberalization initiatives; actor-director Rob Reiner
funded two major child-welfare measures in California; and
this year there's Hollywood producer Steve Bing, whose $40
million contribution to Proposition 87, an initiative to impose
a tax on oil extracted in California, is almost certainly the
biggest individual contribution of all time. (Still, next to the
approximately $65 million kicked in to date by Chevron,
Occidental and other energy companies to defeat Prop 87,
it's barely adequate.)

But unlike Bing or Reiner, Rich operates through interlocking
"nonprofit" front groups that don't disclose their funding
sources, or much else, except in the vaguest terms. It's the
perfect cover--and cost-effective, too; Rich understands that
buying ballot measures in the two dozen states that allow
them is often more successful, and ultimately cheaper, than
buying legislation.

So who is Howie Rich? In SEC filings, he describes himself as
"involved in general securities management, venture capital,
real estate and business consulting." But his real passion is
that libertarian agenda--term limits, spending caps, popular
recall of judges (another campaign he's funding this year in
Colorado), school vouchers and property rights. In an e-mail
he wrote, "private property is the cornerstone of our
freedom." He was happy to "help local activists across the
country to protect essential freedoms." Those local groups
"often face an uphill climb against well funded special
interest groups." Ah, yes.

Rich, of course, is not the only black hat here. He's just taking
advantage of a porous set of campaign finance regulations
that allow contributors to hide behind phony fronts. And he's
taking advantage of an initiative process designed a century
ago to curb the power of big money in politics but that is now
being deftly exploited by precisely those interests. In most
large states only big money can buy the signature gatherers,
lawyers, pollsters and consultants needed to get anything
on the ballot. Ordinary voters can't. The system is made for
the Rich. 

***************************************
http://www.thenation.com 


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]




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