A MURDER IN CONGO, PART 2

DB: Mobutu Seso Seko was following the French pattern whereas these new 
leaders were following the U.S. neoliberal model. So the U.S. government, and 
the Anglo-American media suddenly discovered that Mobutu, with whom they had 
had no complaints up til then, was very, very bad. They were hoping Kabila 
would turn out to be a controllable neoliberal when he was implanted.

Jared: So you think initially that the US wanted Mobutu out.

DB: It was part of a broader dynamic because Mobutu for the US had become 
rather inconvenient. He was hosting Hutu militias which were trying to 
overturn the Rwandan Patriotic Front's victory in Rwanda and they were 
staging attacks in Burundi against the Tutsi dominated government that has 
repressed Hutus in Burundi. And the United States has had a very active 
policy of trying to suppress these militias and trying to eliminate this Hutu 
influence and restore the Tutsi dominance in Central Africa.

Jared: The Tutsi elite being the U.S. ally there.

DB: Yes. The strategy is to create a sort of greater-Tutsi sphere of 
influence throughout Central Africa including the Tutsis in Eastern Congo, 
known as the Banyamulenge. 

The point here is the U.S. strategy requires that they heighten differences. 
make them more extreme. The Hutus and the Tutsi people in Eastern Congo were 
called Banyarwanda, without differentiation - a kind of a broad designation 
for people that share similar linguistic characteristics. With the Tutsis and 
the Hutus, the division is not linguistic, or cultural or national, you see, 
so much as it is a class division, between former elites and the lower 
classes, former serfs. 

Essentially, these are the same people, though the Hutus originally were 
farmers and the Tutsis were more often herdsmen. But what the colonialists in 
this area have done is a classic process of ethnogenesis. This was 
deliberately instigated. They literally created new ethnic groups to divide 
and rule. In the same way, in Kosovo you saw the Western media and supposed 
experts like Noel Malcolm popularize the term 'Kosovar'. 

Their problem was that since there is a functioning state known as Albania 
ethnic Albanians in Kosovo could hardly claim a right to national 
self-determination; they already had self-determination in the form of the 
Albanian state. The classic right to self-determination under International 
Law was already fulfilled for the Albanians as opposed, let us say, to the 
Kurds, who have no state. So to justify a separatist movement in Kosovo, the 
Western neo-colonialists had to mak-up a new national group, the 'Kosovars'. 
It's really rather absurd.

But absurd or not, colonial powers have been doing it throughout history - 
creating ethnic groups or polarizing groups that might have some cleavage and 
emphasizing cleavages or differences to play groups off against each other. 
And this is precisely what they have been doing in Africa and South Asia, 
such as in Ceylon, for instance.

Usually they will have a military race, and they will play up its supposed 
military characteristics, and they will have a ruling race and they will try 
to get them into the administration, and they will have a toiling race. Got 
to have a toiling race, don't you know? And they create these stereotypes 
that ethnic groups are encouraged to buy into. This sort of poison was 
injected into Africa by the colonialists.

Jared: Just as they did in Bosnia, with the Muslims. They'd been the 
privileged section, both under the Ottoman Empire and the Nazis, and the U.S. 
played up their elitism versus the supposedly lower class Serbs.

DB: Exactly. Divide et impera, the old Roman divide and rule. It's a classic 
tool of empire. In reality, the Congo is rather complex. It's got a big 
population, over fifty million over an immense area. Identities are 
ambiguous. What the Imperial forces have been trying to do is make the 
differences between the peoples in the region very sharp - exaggerate 
existing divisions as much as possible. Not just in Congo, but throughout 
Central Africa.

An additional factor in this situation is the French-U.S. split. They have 
been supporting different sides and they had very different visions for the 
region; the civilians got caught in the middle of this Imperial struggle. And 
then suddenly you had Kabila doing an about-face and telling the entire West, 
"Hands off!" Though he does have more affinity for French diplomacy and the 
French have been willing to give him leeway. It's this whole idea that the 
French intellectuals have of resisting American hegemonism. They are 
advocating a multi-polar world as opposed to a Uni-polar world. They call the 
United States a Hyperpower.

Jared: The term has a certain charm; it suggests a hyper-active child armed 
with Depleted Uranium weapons. Madeline Albright comes to mind. But getting 
back to this situation…

DB: The root of the Tutsi-Hutu problem in Central Africa is that the West has 
created ethnic identities out of what were essentially caste differences. (3) 
The Tutsis are not a tribe, any more than say the Brahmins in India are a 
tribe.

Jared: To give people a simplified description, would it be appropriate to 
translate Tutsi and Hutu as rulers and ruled?

DB: It would. 

Jared: Let me read you a quote. A group of educated Hutu's wrote to the Tutsi 
royal court in Rwanda in 1958, asking for equality, for an end to feudal 
conditions. Here's how the court answer:

"It might well be asked how it is that the Hutus now claim their rights to 
the redistribution of the common patrimony. It is a matter of fact that the 
relationship between ourselves (Tutsis) and themselves (Hutus) has always 
been based on serfdom; there is not, then, any basis for fraternity between 
us. If our kings conquered the Hutu's country, killing their petty kings, and 
thereby subjecting the Hutus to servitude, how can they now aspire to be our 
brothers?" (See footnote 3, below)

DB: Yes, this was 1958. Attitudes had already hardened under the Belgian 
colonialists and it got worse after '58. There is a whole history of how 
Belgium manipulated the situation. When they were withdrawing they suddenly 
changed allegiance from the Tutsis to the Hutus and then they would change 
back and so on in order to increase the tensions. 

The consequence of all this has been quite terrible. A good deal of blood has 
been spilled between the Tutsis and the Hutus. It did not simply start in 
1994 with the Rwandan Genocide, as the Anglo-American media would have us 
believe. 1994 wasn't the beginning or end of the story. By focusing only on 
that one period [the killings in 1994] the West is attempting to justify the 
current rule of the Rwandan Democratic Front [RPF], the pro-U.S. Tutsi group. 
That's the whole focus of the U.S.-dominated War Crimes Tribunal in Rwanda - 
to punish the Hutus and whitewash the Tutsi leaders, who are defined as 
innocent since they are allied with the U.S.

Many people would argue that the terrible events in Rwanda were in fact 
triggered by the [Tutsi] RPF. When the RPF entered the country, they drove 
nearly a million people out of northern Rwanda. These were Hutus. Following 
that a cease-fire was agreed to and some of the Hutu people entered neutral 
buffer areas. But many had been disillusioned by the RTF invasion which 
created a radicalized population of nearly a million displaced Hutus. And 
this precipitated heightened ethnic tensions. The RTF was fully supported by 
Uganda and the United States. That of course was noticed by the Hutu elite 
who at that point ruled Rwanda and of course it created a very high degree of 
paranoia. Indeed, perhaps it was not entirely paranoia. 

In any case, there was a history of mistrust. What launched the so-called 
Rwandan Genocide was the shooting down of Rwandan President Habyarimana's 
plane. Habyarimana was a Hutu. 

Jared: I understand there is considerable evidence that the US supplied the 
SAM missiles that did the job. 

DB: Central African scholars generally agree that RTF shot down the plane, 
and the RTF was a U.S. ally. Let us say that every step of the way US policy 
makers took steps that strengthened the hand of the more extreme forces in 
the Hutu government. (4)

Terrible killings did follow the assassination but it is wrong to simply 
blame the Hutus. When the [Tutsi] RTF entered Rwanda and displaced those 
million Hutus - one million mind you - they did it with considerable 
violence. The Hutus were driven from their homes, butchered, their property 
looted. And then, the Presidential plane was shot down - and it wasn't only 
President Habyarimana on board, there was also President Habyarimana, who was 
a Hutu and the democratically elected President of Burundi.

(Continued, Part 3)

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