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Despite the allegations by Western politicians and journalists that they are 
agents of Moscow, leaders of the Russian-speaking community in the eastern 
provinces are refusing to stand down despite the accord reached in Geneva 
yesterday between Russia, the US, the EU, and the interim Ukrainian government 
to disarm the militias on both sides and to guarantee Russian language and 
cultural rights. 

The Washington Post article from earlier this week shows that fear of austerity 
and unemployment and the severing of favourable access to the Russian market 
are driving the protests as much or more than ethnic estrangement from the 
predominantly Ukrainian-speaking majority in the western part of the country 
which dominates the central government in Kiev.

In Ukraine, a crisis of bullets and economics
By Anthony Faiola
Washington Post
April 16 2014

DONETSK, Ukraine — As pro-Russia militants stormed City Hall here Wednesday, 
the interim Ukrainian government was battling more than just a separatist 
problem.

Kiev’s credibility is on the line as the central government tries to persuade 
residents fearful of economic hardship that their future lies with Ukraine 
rather than Russia.

Scenes of armed occupation unfolded Wednesday across eastern Ukraine. Besides 
the takeover of City Hall in this city of nearly 1 million, separatists farther 
north flew the Russian flag over six armored vehicles that fell into their 
hands after Ukrainian forces surrendered them, either willingly or through 
intimidation. The Defense Ministry said the loss came after a crowd of 
pro-Moscow residents, mingling with covert Russian operatives instigating 
violence in the east, blocked an advance by pro-Kiev forces.

Nevertheless, many residents here are not eager for the region to follow in the 
footsteps of Crimea, which was annexed by Russia last month. Ilya, a 
small-business owner who spoke on the condition that his last name not be used 
for fear of reprisals, considers himself solidly pro-Ukrainian. Still, the 
government in Kiev is managing to alienate citizens here, he said, with a 
little help from the West.

At a most dangerous and delicate time, just as it battles Moscow for hearts and 
minds across the east, the pro-Western government is set to initiate a shock 
therapy of economic measures to meet the demands of an emergency bailout from 
the International Monetary Fund.

“We don’t trust them,” Ilya said of the country’s interim leaders in the 
capital as he pushed his infant son in a stroller in the gardens behind City 
Hall.

Both the government and IMF say they have no choice. Interim Prime Minister 
Arseniy Yatsenyuk acknowledged that the package is “very unpopular,” but Kiev 
is broke and desperate for cash, and Russia is no longer seen as a viable 
benefactor.

No matter how much they publicly offer their unequivocal support for Kiev, the 
IMF and Western governments that have pledged up to $27 billion in loans refuse 
to toss their money down the black hole of corruption and waste that is the 
Ukrainian economy.

Especially here in the east, where cultural and economic ties to Russia are far 
stronger than in western Ukraine, the bailout is hurting the government’s 
popularity among an already skeptical audience.

Residents are bracing for the worst. A rollback of long-generous subsidies on 
natural gas will raise the rate consumers pay on their heating and cooking 
bills by roughly 63 percent next month. About 24,000 state workers and 80,000 
police officers nationwide are set to be laid off. Taxes on vodka, beer and 
cigarettes will soon go up. Changes in property tax calculations mean that many 
Ukrainian homeowners will soon be paying more.

Ukraine is already a failed student of IMF programs, with the fund pulling the 
plug on a package for the previous government of former president Viktor 
Yanukovych after it abandoned pledged reforms. But at least one of the previous 
demands of the IMF — a more flexible exchange rate for Ukraine’s currency, the 
hryvnia — came to pass in February when the embattled Central Bank pulled back 
from defending the currency.

Since then, the currency has fallen precipitously, forcing the Central Bank to 
raise interest rates this week and driving up the cost of credit. Among the 
effects of a weaker currency: Prescription drug prices have soared because 
high-quality medicines here are imported.

Deepening resentment

In the long run, such austerity measures may be needed to help fix the broken 
economy , which appeared to reach new heights of corruption when Yanukovych was 
in power. But they are deepening the sense of resentment against the fragile 
new government in Kiev.

“How can they do this to us all at once?” said Ilya, who owns a heating supply 
company that sells German-made boilers in Donetsk. He buys his equipment in 
euros and sells in hryvnia, so the currency devaluation has increased his costs 
by 40 percent at a time when no one is buying.

“People are already scared; they don’t know who to trust,” he said. “They are 
pushing us toward Russia.”

IMF Managing Director Christine Lagarde said this month that Ukrainians must 
learn to help themselves. “If there is that collective drive to eliminate 
corruption, to establish good governance, to have good procurements, to have 
true prices for energy and to own their economic destiny,” change “will 
happen,” she told Euronews.

IMF demands are rarely popular, and countries around the globe from Argentina 
to South Korea to Greece have felt their sting. But Aleksey Kulyk, 32, a food 
industry manager in Donetsk and a pro-Ukrainian activist, said the political 
situation, coupled with Russian aggression, added a more dangerous element in 
Ukraine.

Pro-Russians “are using the IMF deal against us,” he said. “The truth of 
whether it is going to hurt as bad as they say does not matter anymore. This is 
what people believe, and these are people who trust only in their wallets.”

Calls for a referendum

The IMF deal is not the only government move that opponents in the east are 
latching onto. Following the protests in Kiev that forced Yanukovych to flee in 
February, the large ethnic Russian minority in the region was outraged by a new 
lawthat sought to lower the status of the Russian language in Ukraine. Although 
the law was quickly rescinded, it is still quoted by separatists who have 
occupied official buildings in several cities and towns.

At the same time, there is no doubt that the government’s first challenge is 
reclaiming control in the east. Ukrainian forces seem to be treading carefully, 
out of fear both of wounding civilians and of giving Russia a pretext to openly 
join the fight. But on the second day of a new campaign to reassert Kiev’s 
authority in the region, there were few signs of a turning of the tide.

In this region of coal mines and machinery plants, where according to a local 
saying, “people work, not protest,” residents often tend to vote with their 
stomachs.

And there is no doubt that bread-and-butter issues are influencing the debate 
here.There are mixed feelings in the east, for instance, over the new 
government’s move to sign a trade deal with European Union that could lead 
Russia to slap higher duties on Ukrainian imports.

Ukrainian academics in the east, such as Yuri Makogon at Donetsk National 
University, are calling for a balanced economic relationship between Russia and 
Europe. Last year, Russian wrath over an earlier E.U. agreement led Moscow to 
crack down on Ukrainian imports. That prompted Yanukovych’s veto of the deal, 
which ultimately sparked a showdown with pro-Western protesters.

Fears of lost jobs if the relationship permanently sours between Kiev and 
Moscow run deep. For instance, Kramatorsk, the eastern city where pro-Russia 
residents joined hands to halt the advance by Ukrainian troops Wednesday, is 
home to the sprawling Novokramatorsky Machinery Plant, a manufacturer of mining 
equipment heavily reliant on exports to Russia.

“I don’t know how this will end, but for easterners, it cannot end with bad 
relations with Russia,” Ilya said.
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