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The Encyclopedia of Anti Revisionism on-line 
http://www.marxists.org/history/erol/erol.htm 
"The dirty little secret" 
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part 2 version 2.0 Waistline 
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CL became unique by winning the proletarian core of the League of Revolutionary 
Black Workers (LRBW) to their specific approach to social revolution, and CL's 
signature approach to applied dialectics. This approach is located here: 
http://www.lrna.org/2-pt/articles/v21ed2art1.html 
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It helped that CL Chairman was a "Negro proletarian intellectual" with a 
substantial grasp of reality. Detroit was home of CLR James and James and Grace 
Boggs, who collectively probably never recruited more than three workers in 
their entire life. Being black and Marxist was not sufficient reason for LRBW 
to express an interest in such "intellectual giants." 
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When we entered the Communist League - nay the reason the LRBW listened to CL 
was its revolutionary position on the "Negro Question," and latter Nelson 
Perry's article "Syndicalism Disarms the Proletariat." 
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The Communist League and later the Communist Labor Party did not arise out of 
the middle class or petty bourgeoisie. Much of the "Young Communist Movement" 
origins, down to individual leading members of the various groupings, was of 
the student movement. 
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The Communist League, or rather the initial California Communist League was 
formed by eleven individuals galvanized by the Watts rebellion. Six of them 
were part of the breakup of the CPUSA and the Provisional Organizing Committee. 
When this dynamic was explained in the article "Dialectics of the development 
of the Communist League," various groups of the New Communist responded with 
polemics that collectively belong in the gallery of pettiness. Read for 
yourself a couple of response. "The Dialectics of the Communist League: 
Double-Dealing, Intrigue and Conspiracy - An Attempt to Liquidate the American 
Communist Movement." First Published: In El Fuego, a "Mao Tsetung Thought 
Journal on Theoretical and Political Problems of the American Communist 
Movement," No. 1, February 1974. 
http://www.marxists.org/history/erol/ncm-2/red-banner/index.htm 
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Here our apparent purpose in life - as an organization - was to liquidate the 
American communist movement in total, because we had nothing better to do. 
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There is the "National Executive Committee of the Central Organization of U.S. 
Marxist-Leninists" paper "Dialectics of the Development of Nelson Perry's Head. 
A Refutation of the Counter-Revolutionary Line of the So-called "Communist 
League." Part One: The Leaders of the "Communist League" are the Real Splitters 
and Saboteurs of the Marxist-Leninist Movement Today!" (June 1974) 
http://www.marxists.org/history/erol/ncm-2/perry-head.htm 
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"Refutation" discloses the class origins of the "Central Organization of U.S. 
Marxist-Leninists," which of course is the student movement. Why were all these 
organizations origin in the student movement, when we grew out of the 
industrial proletariat with our youth in toll? 
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We expressed a different American experience. European immigration and slavery 
defines American history. The American communist movement was to a large degree 
dominated by German immigrants, who tended to couch the social struggle in 
concepts and the sensibility of the mother country. We lacked the immigrant 
experience and expectation of inclusion into the system, being seven and eight 
generation Americans and two generations industrial proletarian. Much of the 
bitterness of the polemics was due to our 100% proletarian origin and character 
and our revolutionary position on the "Negro Question." Despite some 
theoretical errors and inaccuracies Peery's "Negro National Colonial Question" 
further developed Harry Haywoods "Negro Liberation" and became the "must read, 
must have" American Marxist document on the national-colonial question. 
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Here we come to the "dirty little secret." 
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The Communist League expressed class phenomena; the fighting section of the 
industrial proletariat in its exact historical features. The social movement 
between1958 - 1979 was dominated and defined by the Negro Peoples movement. The 
Communist League was formed and evolved from within this social movement as it 
evolved, polarized and split between its proletarian and bourgeois/petty 
bourgeois sector. Sure, CL's "position" on the Negro Question, the Southwest, 
the Indian nations and peoples and social revolution in America was well 
thought out, but that is not why we were different. Rather, we were different 
in the sense of our historical American roots, generations of industrial 
proletarians and this difference required thinking out all questions 
differently. Our sense of the evolution of the industrial system was different. 
We were not just black but proletarian, in the same degree the Eastern European 
immigrant workers were not just "Slavic" but proletarian. 
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This difference in vision was spelled out in the document of the founding of 
the Communist Labor Party Labor Day 1974. 
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"The trend toward shifting the economic base from mechanics to electronics has 
not only increased the reserve army of unemployed but also created a huge 
qualitatively new army of the permanently unemployed, especially amongst 
national minority proletarians. Every technical advance makes the position of 
the proletarians more untenable." 
http://www.marxists.org/history/erol/ncm-2/clp-1st/program.htm 
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Mind you, this was 1974! 
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In 1989 we retooled Marxism based on the electronics revolution. Today, the old 
industrial society has been changed enough to admit we are in a gigantic 
revolution in the means of production, with all its implications. 
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Initially we were called followers of Alvin Tofflers 1980's book "The Third 
Wave" but something material was driving us. We experienced automation on the 
basis of robotics and computers in the "body shops." This was not automation 
based on electro-mechanics or the automaton. We faced robotics, a term that did 
not exist during the time of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. We faced 
revolution in its objective logic, as it qualitatively changes the social 
organization of labor.? This change in the social organization of labor hit 
auto hard and since we were located in auto we experienced the process at the 
front of the curve. Today, Detroit is in ruins and Michigan is the only state 
in America that registered an absolute population loss during the last decade. 
What is taking place in Michigan is off the scale but coming to your 
neighborhood. 
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Further, we are experiencing the front curve of fascism in power. The 
theoretical debate over American fascism has been ended by the state power 
itself. Look at Benton Harbor, Michigan, where the "Emergency Financial 
Manager," operating as the executive authority has all but abolished civic 
authority. The first use of an "EFM" was a decade ago in Highland Park, 
Michigan, the birthplace of Ford's assembly line production. See: 
http://www.peoplestribune.org/PT.2006.02/PT.2006.02.4.html 
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At any rate, we chronicled and experienced a historical process and class 
dynamic - shifting the economic base from mechanics to electronics - and tried 
as best we could to articulate this? process, as it intertwined with the 
polarization and class separation in the Negro Peoples Movement of that era. 
Peery's "Negro National Colonial Question" (NNCQ) second edition 1975, has an 
article "Socialism: The Only Road" reprinted from the "Peoples Tribune," 
outlining this growing polarization.? CL became the subjective expression of an 
objective process by winning the battle for Detroit. Peery's "African American 
Liberation and Social Revolution" 1992 continues the work of NNCQ, noting 
subtle changes in the African American Freedom movement with an eye on the 
"trend towards shifting the economic base from mechanics to electronics." 
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"The Future Is Up To Us" (2002), chapters three and four, completes a 
historical process that began with the Comintern's 1928 document on the Negro 
Question. NNCQ and "The Future Is Up To Us" express a fundamental 
"Americanizing" of Marxism or dialectical concreteness of the American 
experience through the eyes of seven generations of Americans.? NNCQ is an 
American communist document rather than a communist document written for 
Americans.
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end part 2
WL 

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