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SYRIZA, ND waver over agreement [misleading title, no SYRIZA - ND negotiations]
I Kathimerini, Athens, May 22
<http://www.ekathimerini.com/4dcgi/_w_articles_wsite1_1_22/05/2015_550297>

Having returned from the European Union leaders’ summit in Riga on
Friday, Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras is due to meet with SYRIZA
members on Saturday to brief them on the course of negotiations with
the country’s lenders.

Tsipras is first due to meet Energy Minister Panayiotis Lafazanis, who
heads SYRIZA’s left-wing faction, the Left Platform. He will then
attend a gathering of the party’s central committee, which is due to
meet Saturday and Sunday. Lafazanis is expected to decide on what
stance his faction will take during the wider gathering after he has
spoken to Tsipras personally.

Speaking in Parliament on Friday, the energy minister insisted that
for any deal with creditors to be accepted by SYRIZA it would have to
be in line with the pledges the party made before the January 25
elections.

The biggest potential challenge to any agreement from within SYRIZA is
likely to come from the Left Platform, which has been working with
Greek and foreign economists on a proposal regarding alternative
sources of funding for the country.

New Democracy, meanwhile, remains equivocal over whether it will
support any deal that comes to Parliament. Speaking from Riga, where
he was attending a meeting of the European People’s Party,
conservative leader Antonis Samaras suggested that the opposition
party might turn its back on the agreement if it leads to tax rises.

“The people who were invoking hope and the country’s salvation are, it
seems, about to seriously damage the competitiveness of the Greek
economy,” said New Democracy spokesman Costas Karagounis in reference
to the government’s plans to increase value-added tax.



Petition demands that Syriza implement the popular mandate and abolish
the Memoranda
http://www.marxist.com/petition-demands-syriza-implement-popular-mandate.htm
Written by Communist Tendency of Syriza Friday, 22 May 2015

More than 500 activists responded to the call of the Communist
Tendency and signed the petition in favour of the cancellation of the
Memoranda, the immediate withdrawal of the new Memorandum and the
immediate implementation of election commitments. Amongst them are
activists from the entire spectrum of the left wing of Syriza.

Among them are 150 members of the CC and party members from 35 cities
and 75 local member organisations.

The petition will be submitted in the form of a resolution at the
meeting of the Central Committee of Syriza this weekend by
representatives of the Communist Tendency.

The campaign continues, in person and online.


call for convening of Syriza national congress
by Communist Tendency (w/in Syriza)
[Neither ‘honourable compromise’ nor ‘accidental rupture’ – the only
way forward is a Socialist policy – part four]
by Stamatis Karagiannopoulos
IDOM [IMT], May 22
<http://www.marxist.com/greece-neither-honourable-compromise-nor-accidental-rupture-the-only-way-forward-is-a-socialist-revolution-part-four.htm>
. . .
The situation and the prospects of Syriza

From the 2011 movement of the squares onwards Syriza became the main
political representative of the masses and the working class. In order
to deal with the united front of bourgeois pro-memoranda parties, the
working masses turned towards the only party that articulated an
alternative proposal for a left anti-memoranda government. The Syriza
leadership demonstrated its willingness to fill the political void
that was left the complete bourgeois degeneration of the PASOK
leadership and the sectarianism of the KKE leadership.

However, already from the early stages of Syriza meteoric rise in
2012, the leadership demonstrated that they lacked any desire to
create a mass and militant party of activists for the working class
and the youth. They had no desire to create a party capable of
accelerating the fall of the pro-memoranda coalition and actively and
critically support a left anti-memoranda government. On the contrary,
the leadership used the party only as an electoral machine and as
training ground for the future administrators of the bourgeois state.
The best of the new party members had a healthy disgust for the poison
of careerism and bureaucratic routine and quickly became disappointed
and began to leave the party. Thus, Syriza failed to develop deep
organisational roots amongst its best layers, despite the considerable
support it received from the working masses.

The degeneration peaked at when the local government elections
absorbed hundreds of party officers from across Greece into the state
administration. These activists entirely abandoned whatever ‘activist’
duties and interests they previously might have had.

The rise of Syriza to power sped up this process of degeneration. The
leadership, entirely absorbed in the duties of bourgeois governance,
abandoned the party whilst it reduced its democratic procedures to the
bare minimum out of fear of the criticism from the rank and file.

The Central Committee – the supreme party body between the party
congresses – has become an entirely cosmetic body that is not called
for any meaningful debate or to reach binding decisions, but to
confirm the existing balance of forces within the party, and to let
off steam with regard to the dissatisfaction felt with the
government’s policy, by engaging in discussions that have no real
impact on decisions.

That said, even in light of the above, Syriza remains a mass party
that reflects internally both the processes that take place in the
consciousness of the working masses and the increasing pressures from
the bourgeois camp. Every step that the government takes towards
capitulating to the blackmail of the creditors reflects itself
automatically in the party itself with changing balance of forces
between the party’s tendencies. This process already begun at the
Central Committee meeting immediately after the February 20 agreement
when the leadership found itself the more isolated than ever and was
subjected to a torrent of criticisms even from within the leadership's
own majority block.

At the Central Committee meeting before the elections, the Communist
Tendency had defended the need to convene an extraordinary party
congress to decide the government programme. If such a congress was
necessary before the elections, now - three months later - it is ever
more crucial for the very survival of the party. It will also ensure
that the working masses are not betrayed. An immediate extraordinary
party congress constitutes the only solution to prevent a bitter
defeat of historical proportions for the working class and the Left.



This is how Greece should handle its crisis
by Brett Arends
Market Watch, May 22
<http://www.marketwatch.com/story/this-is-how-greece-should-handle-its-crisis-2015-05-22>

If you want a great lesson in how to deal with a massive economic
crisis, cast your eyes on Greece.

Look at its dashing new prime minister, Alexis Tsipras and his
exciting Syriza party. Look at what they’ve done since taking office
in January. Then do the opposite.

Don’t believe me? Check out these four great lessons.

*Get your story straight*

Is Greece going to “run out of money” in the next few weeks or will it
meet its debt-repayment deadlines? Will the government cut pensions or
not? Will it shrink the public sector or hire more workers? Will it
drop out of the euro or stay? Are government officials confident about
reaching an agreement with the International Monetary Fund and
European Central Bank or not?

If you’ve been confused about any of this in the past few months, you
aren’t alone. Tsipras says one thing. Then his finance minister, Yanis
Varoufakis, says something else. Then another person, such as Nikos
Filis, Syriza’s spokesman, says a third thing.

No wonder the Greek stock market and Greek government bonds have been
on a roller coaster. No wonder citizens have been taking their money
out of banks and investors have been taking their money out of the
country.

Holger Schmieding, the chief economist at private European bank
Berenberg, now refers to the latest souring of the economy as the
“Tsipras recession.”

“Trust matters,” Schiemeding recently wrote to clients. “Few policy
mistakes are more costly than shattering trust. … That the left-right
populists in Athens have annoyed Greece’s international creditors is
the smaller of the problems. Much worse is that the government has
shattered trust at home. Capital flight of some €55 billion [more than
$61 billion] from December to March, equivalent to some 30% of Greek
annual GDP, is crippling the economy while a drain of deposits (€23
billion in the last four months) has partly paralysed the banking
system, putting it on ECB life support.”

When you’re in a crisis, pick one spokesperson, get your story
straight, and stick to it.

*Throw out the rule book*

Yes, “everybody knows” Greece can get out of the crisis “only” by
cutting its budget, selling off state assets, getting bailed out by
the IMF and ECB, sticking with the euro and cutting its national debt.

But as Ronald Reagan once observed, what really gets you into trouble
isn’t what you don’t know, but what you think you know that just isn’t
true.

That’s the case with these nostrums. None are true. None are necessary
to solving the crisis. They fall into the category of things that
Keith Waterhouse, the late British writer and a legend on Fleet
Street, referred to as “made-up rules.”

During the Great Depression, “everybody knew” a country had to defend
its gold reserves and couldn’t run a budget deficit. If a government
closed the banks to clean up their books, they’d never re-open them.

Everybody knew these things — until Franklin Roosevelt did the opposite.

Greece is in the midst of an economic and social catastrophe.
Unemployment is nearly 30%, and over 50% among the young. Radical
times call for radical measures. Syriza was elected with a mandate to
do that. And yet its leaders are playing little ball with the IMF.

The sad thing is that while Tsipras looks to Brussels, individual
Greeks are innovating with ideas that might help.

Communities like Volos in Thessaloniki, and Chania in Crete have
already launched local or “community” currencies to facilitate local
trade and activity. Some, though not all, are surprisingly successful,
without any official support from Athens.

Such things aren’t wacko, crank ideas. Cities and towns in the U.S.
did something similar during the Great Depression, for example.

Why isn’t the Greek government pushing ideas like this? Officials are
too busy listening to what “everybody knows.”

*Focus on your friends, not your enemies*

Mr. Prime Minister, Angela Merkel is not your friend. She wouldn’t
have voted for you, she doesn’t support you and she isn’t going to go
the extra mile to help you. That’s also true for the IMF, the ECB and
pretty much everybody you meet in Brussels, Frankfurt, Washington and
London.

One of the biggest mistakes in a crisis is spending far too much time
and energy trying to win over opponents and enemies. Sometimes people
neglect or hurt their friends to appease their enemies — like, oh,
Syriza seizing currency reserves from local communities to pay off
international creditors.

Wrong approach.

In a crisis, your time, energy and political capital are precious.
Don’t waste too much of it dealing with people who are part of the
problem amd who won’t thank you for trying to appease them. Instead,
work with people who are part of the solution — in this case, the
people of Greece.

*Stop dithering!*

Recent opinion polls show views toward Syriza and Tsipras have soured
since they came to office four months ago. A growing number are
doubting Syriza’s agenda and wondering if the Beautiful People at the
IMF and ECB weren’t right all along.

No wonder. Not only has Tsipras made all the errors listed above, but
he’s wasted four damaging months doing them as well. Greece is now
sliding back into recession.

In a crisis, the time to strike is when the iron is hottest — and that
usually means the moment you’re elected. Franklin Roosevelt declared a
banking holiday almost as soon as he took office, and set out to begin
rebuilding the economy with a series of bold moves within his first
100 days.

Tsipras has already had 116 days. And Greece is probably worse off
than before he took over.

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