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http://www.outlookindia.com/letters.aspx?10624-1-Published-6%2F7%2F2010
        
        
Arundhati Roy Replies...
This is with reference to the Outlook cover (May 31) which says
“Arundhati Roy’s portrayal of Maoists as Gandhians with Guns comes
under heavy fire”.

I’m used to taking heavy fire for what I write. But when people begin
to fire at a target they have fashioned for themselves out of an
Outlook copywriter’s blurb (later mirrored in the Guardian magazine),
I suppose I must rouse myself to make a clarification. At no point in
my essay Walking with the Comrades (Mar 29) have I called the Maoists
‘Gandhians with Guns’. Here is what I said:

    “I cannot believe this army. As far as consumption goes, it’s more
Gandhian than any Gandhian, and has a lighter carbon footprint than
any climate change evangelist. But for now, it even has a Gandhian
approach to sabotage; before a police vehicle is burnt for example, it
is stripped down and every part is cannibalised. The steering wheel is
straightened out and made into a bharmaar barrel, the rexine
upholstery stripped and used for ammunition pouches, the battery for
solar charging. (The new instructions from the high command are that
captured vehicles should be buried and not cremated. So they can be
resurrected when needed.) Should I write a play I wonder—Gandhi Get
Your Gun? Or will I be lynched?”


Whoever infers from this that I have called the Maoists Gandhians with
Guns is either a little slow or has no sense of irony or both. Do I
really have to spell out what I was alluding to—of Maoist guerrillas
who combine Gandhi’s principles of spartan consumption with their own
very un-Gandhian belief in sabotage and armed revolution? Perhaps the
confusion arises because the Indian elite would love to prescribe the
opposite: conspicuous consumption for the rich and non-violent
satyagraha for the poor.

The only other reference to Gandhi in the essay is in two paragraphs
reproduced below, parts of which are quoted selectively by people who
say that I have been uncritical of the Maoists and have valorised
Charu Mazumdar as a “visionary” while criticising Gandhi. Here it is:

    “Chairman Mao. He’s here too. A little lonely, perhaps, but
present. There’s a photograph of him, up on a red cloth screen. Marx
too. And Charu Mazumdar, the founder and chief theoretician of the
Naxalite movement. His abrasive rhetoric fetishises violence, blood
and martyrdom, and often employs a language so coarse as to be almost
genocidal. Standing here, on Bhumkal day, I can’t help thinking that
his analysis, so vital to the structure of this revolution, is so
removed from its emotion and texture. When he said that only ‘an
annihilation campaign’ could produce ‘the new man who will defy death
and be free from all thought of self-interest’—could he have imagined
that this ancient people, dancing into the night, would be the ones on
whose shoulders his dreams would come to rest?

    “It’s a great disservice to everything that is happening here that
the only thing that seems to make it to the outside world is the
stiff, unbending rhetoric of the ideologues of a party that has
evolved from a problematic past. When Charu Mazumdar famously said,
‘China’s Chairman is our Chairman and China’s Path is Our Path’, he
was prepared to extend it to the point where the Naxalites remained
silent while General Yahya Khan committed genocide in East Pakistan
(Bangladesh), because at the time, China was an ally of Pakistan.
There was silence too, over the Khmer Rouge and its killing fields in
Cambodia. There was silence over the egregious excesses of the Chinese
and Russian revolutions. Silence over Tibet. Within the Naxalite
movement too, there have been violent excesses and it’s impossible to
defend much of what they’ve done. But can anything they have done
compare with the sordid achievements of the Congress and the bjp in
Punjab, Kashmir, Delhi, Mumbai, Gujarat.... And yet, despite these
terrifying contradictions, Charu Mazumdar was a visionary in much of
what he wrote and said. The party he founded (and its many splinter
groups) has kept the dream of revolution real and present in India.
Imagine a society without that dream. For that alone we cannot judge
him too harshly. Especially not while we swaddle ourselves with
Gandhi’s pious humbug about the superiority of ‘the non-violent way’
and his notion of Trusteeship: ‘The rich man will be left in
possession of his wealth, of which he will use what he reasonably
requires for his personal needs and will act as a trustee for the
remainder to be used for the good of society.’”


Does this sound as though I’m calling Maoists ‘Gandhians with Guns’?
Honestly, I’m almost embarrassed to have to write this letter.

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