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http://revolutionaryflowerpot.blogspot.com/2010/01/on-nonviolence-in-iranian-peoples.html Thursday, January 7, 2010 On Nonviolence in the Iranian People's Movement Thanks to Arash Asaasi, for sending in this translation: original (in Persian) on Gozareshgaran website; initially posted at Sarbaalaayi. The writer Amin Hosoori's writings appear regularly in Khiaban newspaper, as well as on Gozareshgaran website. On Violence in the Movement and Non-Violence by Amin Hosoori / Monday, December 4, 2010 (translation: Arash Asaasi) For the continuation and eventual victory of an anti-dictatorial movement, and in the face of the organized onslaught and oppression by the regime -- whose only means of survival is through the intensification of repression -- acquiring collective alacrity by the people for an 'organized defense' of each other and the movement is an undeniable necessity. In the current opposition movement in Iran, although the need for an 'organized defense' has become obvious for some time now, unfortunately, not only has this necessity remained unanswered at the level of ideas, but, quite the reverse, in a clichéd and morphed discourse on 'nonviolent struggle' (reproduced against the backdrop of the ruling discourse), its exact opposite approach gets theorized and prescribed. Unfortunately, a superficial and incorrect understanding regarding 'nonviolent struggles' is disseminated by reformist tribunes, platforms, and individuals aligned with them. This superficial understanding prevents the growth of a collective dialogue regarding the differences between 'self-organized defense' [by the people] and 'organized onslaught' [by the regime]. In other words, this difference too, much like the above-mentioned necessity [of self-preservation of the movement], gets lost behind the 'convincing' facade of 'violence is forbidden'. In such an illusion-ridden atmosphere of 'strength of morality', in which the collective dialogue about instances of onslaught, violence and defense gets blocked, it is natural that the collective search for practical methods of preparing for 'nonviolent struggle', and creating the conditions and the preparedness among the people for consciously organizing a 'self-organized defense' is driven to the margins. Instead, when through 'trial and error' and in a natural fashion, people from within the movement and affected by its objective and horrendous conditions, seek an answer for the above-mentioned necessity [of self-defense and preservation of the movement], a flood of accusations and theoretical falsifications flows freely: Now, the holy principles of the non-violent struggle have been violated! Item: what we witnessed in the reformist media after the bloody Ashura events [of 28 Dec. 2009]. On the other hand, although among this faction -- which has the upper hand in terms of organization and numbers of followers -- the discourse regarding the harms of the spread of violence has thickened (with emphasis on 'dangers' of the growth of radicalism), other groups and media and in opposition to the first group, praise in advance any act of (possible) violence by the people, under the pretext of 'revolutionary force'. So, in effect, the media atmosphere regarding the issue of 'violence' has turned into a slogan-ridden and impotent opposition between two polarized views: on one side stand those who, in an idealist and sentimentalist fashion and with a prescriptive outlook on the movement (with, of course, particular political interests), speechify regarding absolute negation of violence; and on the opposite side stand a few individuals and trends who, under the banner of political radicalism (1) and revolutionary behavior, believe that the violence of the regime must be answered by an equivalent violence, as they consider this a necessity for a revolutionary act. Fortunately, the media atmosphere is not bereft of critical and moderate outlooks; although these judgments have not yet been able to reduce the weight of the black-and-white outlooks in a noticeable way (2). But, the events of the day of Ashura (bloody Sunday) can also be re-read from another viewpoint: With the passing of several months from the start of the oppositional and justice-seeking movement of the people, the regime -- instead of recognizing the legitimacy of the protests and accepting the people's just demands -- at the same time that it denies the existence of the movement (3), has resorted to an ever increasingly violent crackdown against the dissidents (4). As a matter of fact, in their self-made quagmire there is no choice or tool left for the Islamic Republic but naked oppression and militarism. The continuation of the current conditions has led to a situation whereby the people, in order to guard and maintain their movement, must resort to standing up ever more powerfully in the streets. In the events of the day of Ashura, despite the immensity of the repression, people displayed unparalleled courage and resistance, and elevated the movement to a higher level of self-confidence and determination. At the same time, some people, in the process of defending themselves and resisting the blind onslaught of the paid thugs and the anti-riot police, or else affected by the limitless cruelties of the oppressive forces, in unexpected confrontations and battles, in a natural and purely emotional reaction (without any prior plans or preparation; meaning, unlike the methods used by regime's repression), committed certain acts of violence [...]. This took place -- as witnessed/recorded by video clips -- while simultaneously accompanied by a bigger number of people who were encouraging the rage-filled people to avoid violence, to calm down, and were attempting to stop the continuation of their extremist acts. But, in the end and after the publication of the news and images of the people's resistance, people like Mas'ood Behnood (5) and others -- who have been responsible for the spread of that superficial understanding of 'nonviolent struggle' -- turned some of these scenes of the youth losing their cool in the heat of the moment into excuses to moan, "We lost!" And others, like Ezatollah Sahaabi, then joined along the songs of lament (6). Without ever seeing the overall totality of the people's movement and their collective, sensible behavior on this day as contrasted to those exceptional moments; without ever mentioning a word about the systematic violence and the unbounded oppression of the regime on this day and the differences between systematic and organized violence and scattered instances of violence in [reaction to] the moment. 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