Origins of veil
BY KAREN ARMSTRONG

17 November 2006

I SPENT seven years of my girlhood heavily veiled — not in a Muslim niqab 
but in a nun’s habit. We wore voluminous black robes, large rosaries and 
crucifixes, and an elaborate headdress: you could see a small slice of my 
face from the front, but from the side I was entirely shielded from view. We 
must have looked very odd indeed, walking dourly through the colourful 
carnival of London during the swinging 60s, but nobody ever asked us to 
exchange our habits for more conventional attire.


When my order was founded in the 1840s, not long after Catholic 
emancipation, people were so enraged to see nuns brazenly wearing their 
habits in the streets that they pelted them with rotten fruit and horse 
dung. Nuns had been banned from Britain since the Reformation; their return 
seemed to herald the resurgence of barbarism. Two hundred and fifty years 
after the gunpowder plot, Catholicism was still feared as unassimilable, 
irredeemably alien to the British ethos, fanatically opposed to democracy 
and freedom, and a fifth column allied to dangerous enemies abroad.

Today the veiled Muslim woman appears to symbolise the perceived Islamic 
threat, as nuns once epitomised the evils of popery. She seems a barbaric 
affront to hard-won values that are essential to our cultural identity: 
gender equality, freedom, transparency and openness. But in the Muslim world 
the veil has also acquired a new symbolism. If government ministers really 
want to debate the issue fruitfully, they must become familiar with the 
bitterly ironic history of veiling during the last hundred years.

Until the late 19th century, veiling was neither a central nor a universal 
practice in the Islamic world. The Qur’an does not command all women to 
cover their heads; the full hijab was traditionally worn only by 
aristocratic women, as a mark of status. In Egypt, under Muhammad Ali’s 
leadership (1805-48), the lot of women improved dramatically, and many were 
abandoning the veil and moving more freely in society.

But after the British occupied Egypt in 1882, the consul general, Lord 
Cromer, ignored this development. He argued that veiling was the "fatal 
obstacle" that prevented Egyptians from participating fully in western 
civilisation. Until it was abolished, Egypt would need the benevolent 
supervision of the colonialists. But Cromer had cynically exploited feminist 
ideas to advance the colonial project. Egyptian women lost many of their new 
educational and professional opportunities under the British, and Cromer was 
co-founder in London of the Anti-Women’s Suffrage League.

When Egyptian pundits sycophantically supported Cromer, veiling became a hot 
issue. In 1899 Qassim Amin published Tahrir al-Mara — The Liberation of 
Women — which obsequiously praised the nobility of European culture, arguing 
that the veil symbolised everything that was wrong with Islam and Egypt. It 
was no feminist tract: Egyptian women, according to Amin, were dirty, 
ignorant and hopelessly inadequate parents. The book created a furore, and 
the ensuing debate made the veil a symbol of resistance to colonialism.

The problem was compounded in other parts of the Muslim world by reformers 
who wanted their countries to look modern, even though most of the 
population had no real understanding of secular institutions. When Ataturk 
secularised Turkey, men and women were forced into European costumes that 
felt like fancy dress. In Iran, the shahs’ soldiers used to march through 
the streets with their bayonets at the ready, tearing off the women’s veils 
and ripping them to pieces. In 1935, Shah Reza Pahlavi ordered the army to 
shoot at unarmed demonstrators who were protesting against obligatory 
western dress. Hundreds of Iranians died that day.

Many women, whose mothers had happily discarded the veil, adopted the hijab 
in order to dissociate themselves from aggressively secular regimes. This 
happened in Egypt under President Anwar Sadat and it continues under Hosni 
Mubarak. When the shah banned the chador, during the Iranian revolution, 
women wore it as a matter of principle — even those who usually wore western 
clothes. Today in the US, more and more Muslim women are wearing the hijab 
to distance themselves from the foreign policy of the Bush administration; 
something similar may well be happening in Britain.

In the patriarchal society of Victorian Britain, nuns offended by tacitly 
proclaiming that they had no need of men. I found my habit liberating: for 
seven years I never had to give a thought to my clothes, makeup and hair — 
all the rubbish that clutters the minds of the most liberated women. In the 
same way, Muslim women feel that the veil frees them from the constraints of 
some uncongenial aspects of western modernity.

They argue that you do not have to look western to be modern. The veiled 
woman defies the sexual mores of the west, with its strange compulsion to 
"reveal all". Where western men and women display their expensive clothes 
and flaunt their finely honed bodies as a mark of privilege, the uniformity 
of traditional Muslim dress stresses the egalitarian and communal ethos of 
Islam.

Muslims feel embattled at present, and at such times the bodies of women 
often symbolise the beleaguered community. Because of its complex history, 
Jack Straw and his supporters must realise that many Muslims now suspect 
such western interventions about the veil as having a hidden agenda. Instead 
of improving relations, they usually make matters worse. Lord Cromer made 
the originally marginal practice of veiling problematic in the first place. 
When women are forbidden to wear the veil, they hasten in ever greater 
numbers to put it on.

In Victorian Britain, nuns believed that until they could appear in public 
fully veiled, Catholics would never be accepted in this country. But Britain 
got over its visceral dread of popery. In the late 1960s, shortly before I 
left my order, we decided to give up the full habit. This decision 
expressed, among other things, our new confidence, but had it been forced 
upon us, our deeply ingrained fears of persecution would have revived.

But Muslims today do not feel similarly empowered. The unfolding tragedy of 
the Middle East has convinced some that the west is bent on the destruction 
of Islam. The demand that they abandon the veil will exacerbate these fears, 
and make some women cling more fiercely to the garment that now symbolises 
their resistance to oppression.

Karen Armstrong, a former nun and an eminent expert on world religions, is 
the author of Islam: A Brief History and Muhammad: Prophet for Our Time. 
This article first appeared in The Guardian

http://www.khaleejtimes.com/DisplayArticleNew.asp?xfile=data/opinion/2006/November/opinion_November59.xml&section=opinion&col=

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