The Colossal Failure of the Office of the Director of National Intelligence

By Melvin A. Goodman

<http://www.pubrecord.org/commentary/811-the-colossal-failure-of-the-office-of-the-director-of-national-intelligence.html>http://www.pubrecord.org/commentary/811-the-colossal-failure-of-the-office-of-the-director-of-national-intelligence.html

Thursday, 02 April 2009

Like its counterpart, the office of Homeland Security, the office of 
the Director of National Intelligence (DNI) has been a colossal 
failure. Both offices were created in the wake of 9/11 as
part of the nervous and unnecessary overreaction to the terrorist 
attacks on 9/11. Hurricane Katrina exposed the futility and feckless 
nature of the office of Homeland Security. And now the inspector 
general of DNI has 
<http://online.wsj.com/public/resources/documents/intel0402_report.pdf>confirmed
 
the ineptitude and mismanagement of the DNI.

The Intelligence Reform Act created the DNI in December 2004 to 
centralize intelligence production and end CIA's dominance of the 
intelligence production process within the intelligence community. 
Centralized intelligence production simply does not work and, in 
fact, increases the opportunities for politicized intelligence. When 
CIA director William Casey wanted to politicize intelligence for 
President Ronald Reagan in the 1980s, he appointed Robert Gates to 
the key positions of deputy director of intelligence and chairman of 
the National Intelligence Council.

These positions allowed Gates to tailor all CIA intelligence 
analysis, including the National Intelligence Estimates, the daily 
briefings for the president, and all current intelligence. This is 
the only time in the CIA's history that one individual controlled 
these positions, and it led directly to the politicization of 
intelligence on the Soviet Union, Central America, and Southwest 
Asia. Gates's efforts led the CIA to thoroughly miss the decline and 
fall of the Soviet Union. Centralized intelligence production free of 
debate and dissent also produced the phony intelligence analysis that 
supported the decision to go to war against Iraq in 2003.

The first intelligence tsar was a former ambassador, John Negroponte, 
who covered up sensitive intelligence in Central America in the 1980s 
and never displayed a willingness to tell truth to power. Since then, 
Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama have appointed retired 
naval admirals to be directors of national intelligence, the 
so-called intelligence tsar. Naval officers have rarely distinguished 
themselves in long-term strategic or geopolitical thinking, which are 
the main problems confronting the CIA and the entire analytic 
community.

The absence of an independent civilian counter to the power of 
military intelligence not only threatens civilian control over 
decisions to use military power, but makes it more likely that 
intelligence will be tailored to suit the purposes of the Pentagon. 
The militarization of the intelligence process has almost guaranteed 
that diversity and competition in the analysis of intelligence will 
be given short shrift. President Harry Truman created the CIA in 1947 
to make sure that no policy department, particularly the Department 
of Defense, dominated the intelligence process. None of these issues 
were debated in the congress when retired naval admirals Mike 
McConnell and Dennis Blair were named as intelligence tsars.

The 9/11 Commission and Senators John McCain (R-AZ) and Joe Lieberman 
(I-CT) bear major responsibility for the creation of the DNI. They 
believed the 9/11 intelligence failure was due to organizational and 
structural problems within the CIA and the intelligence community, 
and ignored the problems of accountability, bureaucratic cowardice, 
and individual failure. The Commission concluded that "no one could 
have anticipated using airplanes as bombs" against targets in New 
York and Washington.

However, there were at least three unclassified studies in the 1990s 
that anticipated the weaponizing of commercial aircraft. The first 
report was prepared in 1993 for the Pentagon to investigate the 
possibility of airplanes being used as bombs; a year later, a 
disgruntled Federal Express employee invaded the cockpit of a DC10 
with the intention of crashing it into a company building.

The Commission claimed to favor a lean office of national 
intelligence, with a small but powerful staff. Four years later, we 
find a DNI sitting atop a huge, lumbering, and bloated bureaucracy 
that includes five deputy directors, three associate directors, and 
no fewer than 19 assistant deputy directors. The DNI budget is more 
than $1 billion and the DNI management staff, for the most part, 
comes from other intelligence agencies, thus weakening the entire 
intelligence apparatus. As a result, the intelligence community has 
had to rely on independent contractors with lucrative contracts, 
which has helped to drive the overall intelligence budget to record 
levels.

The Pentagon actually manages the DNI, the $55 billion intelligence 
budget, and most intelligence personnel. The DNI has no real 
authority to reform, let alone realign, the 16 agencies and 
departments of the intelligence community; moreover, it has made no 
attempt to create a corporate analytic community. The DNI is 
powerless to use the intelligence budgets and personnel of the 
community to create an environment for genuine reform. The 
undersecretary of defense for intelligence, a retired three-star 
general, has veto power over the ability of the DNI to transfer 
personnel within the community, which makes it extremely difficult to 
integrate the intelligence process.

The DNI has even failed to open up the analytic community to the 
larger academic and think-tank community outside the intelligence 
arena. In such areas as ethnic politics and ethnic violence, where 
the CIA lacks expertise in linguistic and cultural studies, it is 
essential to gain greater exposure to outside experts. There are more 
linguists with the New York police department than with the DNI and 
CIA. The CIA's culture is particularly insular and parochial and, as 
a result, fails to take full advantage of outside experts.

Both CIA and military cultures are driven by a counterintelligence 
orientation, which puts too much emphasis on security clearances, 
polygraph tests, and the need-to-know. No one expects the community 
to put sources and methods at risk, but there needs to be a freer and 
more open exchange of information to the people who can offer the 
most substantive critiques. The CIA community is extremely young and 
inexperienced, another reason for drawing from the outside community 
of experts.

Truth is elusive within the intelligence process, and there is rarely 
a single answer to a controversial question or problem that needs an 
input from the intelligence community. A centralized system worked 
for the Bush administration because Bush, Cheney, and Rumsfeld never 
wanted tough-minded intelligence analysis to inform foreign policy 
decision-making. But Obama and Biden are more open-minded and 
analytical.

All presidents and senior decision-makers deserve a range of 
alternative analysis so that their own ideas (and their exclusive 
information that is rarely shared with the intelligence community) 
can be tested by additional sources and assumptions, particularly the 
contrarian ones. It is very unlikely that an intelligence tsar, a 
militarized intelligence community, or a Central Intelligence Agency 
that has covered-up its recent analytical and operational failures 
will protect the contrarians.

Melvin A. Goodman,a regular contributor to 
<http://www.pubrecord.org/>The Public Record, is senior fellow at the 
<http://www.ciponline.org/>Center for International Policy and 
adjunct professor of government at Johns Hopkins University. He spent 
more than 42 years in the U.S. Army, the Central Intelligence Agency, 
and the Department of Defense. His most recent book is 
"<http://www.amazon.com/Failure-Intelligence-Decline-Fall-CIA/dp/0742551105/ref=pd_bbs_sr_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1236824645&sr=8-1>Failure
 
of Intelligence: The Decline and Fall of the CIA."
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