A  voice of reason.  Who will listen?

RDPulpit:
Israel in Gaza: Right but not Smart
By 
<http://www.religiondispatches.org/authors/michaellerner/>Rabbi 
Michael Lerner
January 2, 2009

Israel is still using a strategy of domination in 
its struggle with Hamas, trying to use force to 
gain security. But this is a recipe for endless 
war.

Gaza, December 31, 2008

Israel's attempt to wipe out Hamas is understandable, but dumb.

No country in the world is going to ignore the 
provocation of rockets being launched from a 
neighboring territory day after day. If Mexico 
had a group of anti-imperialist South Americans 
bombing Texas, imagine how long it would take for 
the United States to mobilize a counterattack. 
Israel has every right to respond.       

But the kind of response matters.        

Massive bombings of the sort that have thus far 
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/jan/02/hamas-leader-death-israel-bombing>killed
 
over 400 Palestinians and wounded 1,000 other 
civilians is a classic example of a 
disproportionate response.

Before Israel's massive bombing, the Hamas 
bombings that began when the previous cease-fire 
ran out had not (thank God) killed anyone. The 
reason is obvious: Hamas has no airplanes, no 
tanks, nothing more than the weapons of the 
powerless—limited range mortars with limited 
accuracy. Hamas can harass, but it cannot pose 
any threat to the existence of Israel. And just 
as Hamas’ indiscriminate bombing of population 
centers is a crime against humanity, so is 
Israel’s massive attack against civilians (in 
addition to those killed thus far in Gaza, there 
are the thousands killed by Israel in the years 
of the Occupation of the West Bank and Gaza).

Hamas had respected the previously negotiated 
cease-fire except when Israel used it as cover to 
make assassination raids against Hamas and other 
Palestinian leaders. Arguing that these raids 
were hardly a manifestation of cease-fire, Hamas 
would, as symbolic protest, allow the release of 
rocket fire (usually hitting no targets). But 
when the issue of continuing the cease-fire came 
up, Hamas wanted a guarantee that these 
assassination raids would stop. And it asked for 
more. With hundreds of thousands of Palestinians 
facing acute malnutrition bordering on 
starvation, Hamas insisted that the borders be 
opened to counter Israeli attempts to starve the 
Gazans into submission. And in return for the 
captured Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, it asks 
for the release of a thousand Palestinians 
imprisoned in Israel.       

Hamas has made it clear that it would accept the 
terms of the Saudi Arabian peace agreement, 
though it would never formally recognize Israel. 
It would live peacefully in a two-state 
arrangement, but it would never acknowledge 
Israel's "right to exist." This position is 
unnecessarily provocative, and represents deep 
self-destructiveness on the part of Palestinians 
who believe that this refusal to acknowledge 
Israel's rights is the only symbolic weapon they 
have left. To many Israelis, trapped in their own 
history as survivors of genocide and oppression, 
Hamas' refusal to give official recognition is a 
way of saying, "We'll wait till we have adequate 
military power, and then we'll break any de facto 
truce and ceasefire and use that power to wipe 
out Israel, so just give us time."

How do we get out of these dynamics that have led 
to the current situation that has killed or 
maimed a small number of Israelis and a huge 
number of Palestinians?          

The first step is for the world to demand an 
immediate cease-fire. That cease-fire should be 
imposed by the United Nations and backed 
unequivocally by the United States. Its terms 
must include the following:

A. Hamas stops all firing of missiles, bombs, or 
any other violent action originating from the 
West Bank or Gaza, and cooperates in actively 
jailing anyone from any faction that attempts to 
break this cease-fire from territory controlled 
by Hamas;

B. Israel stops all bombing, targeted 
assassinations, or any other violent actions 
aimed at activists, militants, or suspected 
terrorists in the West Bank or Gaza, and uses the 
full force of its army to prevent any further 
attacks on Palestinians living in the West Bank 
and Gaza, including Hebron, from any Israeli 
citizen or anyone based in territory under the 
effective control of Israel;

C. Israel opens the border with Gaza and allows 
free access to and from Israel by Gazans and 
Palestinians, subject only to full search and 
seizure of any weapons. Israel allows free travel 
of food, gas, electricity, water, and consumer 
goods and materials including transports from 
land, air, and sea, subject only to full search 
and seizure of any weapons or materials typically 
used for weapons;

D. Israel agrees to release all Palestinians held 
in detention with or without trial or in prison 
and to return those Palesitnians to the West Bank 
or Gaza according to the choice of the detainees 
or prisoners. Hamas agrees to release Gilad 
Shalit and anyone else being held involuntarily 
by Palestinian forces;

E. Both sides agree to invite an international 
force to implement these agreements;

F. Both sides agree to end teaching and/or 
advocacy of violence against the other side from 
within and outside mosques, educational 
institutions, the press, the media, etc.;

G. This cease-fire is agreed to for the next 
twenty years. NATO, the UN, and the United States 
all agree to enforce this agreement, and impose 
severe sanctions on either side should either be 
determined to be in violation of the conditions.

These steps would make a huge difference by 
isolating the most radical members of each side 
from the mainstream, making it possible to begin 
negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian 
people on a much broader and deeper set of issues.

The basic condition for creating peace is to help 
each side feel "safe" enough to ignore those 
within their own community who claim that peace 
is impossible and that no one cares about the 
safety of "the Jews," or "the Palestinians." A 
first and critical step is to speak in a language 
that is empathic toward the suffering of each 
people. Rather than try to prove that the 
Palestinians are "nothing but" terrorists or that 
Zionism is nothing but an elaborate scheme for 
continuing and escalating Western colonialism and 
imperialism, we must create a climate of 
discourse in which both sides’ stories are 
genuinely heard and understood. I've done this 
last part in my book 
<http://www.powells.com/s?header=Search+Form&kw=Healing+Israel%2FPalestine>Healing
 
Israel/Palestine (North Atlantic Books, 2003).

Yet Israel, as the militarily superior power, 
ought to take the first steps to end this 
conflict once and for all. It could do that at 
any time by making the following moves:

1. Implementing a massive Marshall Plan in Gaza 
and in the West Bank to end poverty and 
unemployment, rebuild all that has been destroyed 
of the Palestinian infrastructure, and encourage 
investment in a new Palestinian economy;

2. Dismantle the settlements or tell the settlers 
unequivocally that they must become citizens of a 
Palestinian state, live by its laws, face charges 
if their settlements were constructed on land 
stolen from Palestinians, and that they will not 
be able to count on Israel to protect them;

3. Accept 30,000 Palestinian refugees back into 
Israel each year for the next thirty years, a 
number that would not seriously endanger the 
population balance, apologize for its role in the 
1948 expulsions of Palestinians (known as 
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al-Nakba>al Naqba), 
and offer to coordinate a worldwide effort to 
raise funds to compensate Palestinians for all 
that they lost during the Occupation;

4. Recognize a Palestinian state within borders 
already defined by the 
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Geneva_Accord>Geneva 
Accord of 2003.

This is the only way Israel will ever achieve 
security. It is the only way to permanently 
defeat Hamas and all extremists who wish to see 
endless war against Israel. But it won’t happen 
until there is a massive shift in understanding 
about what promotes "security."

Israelis have bought into a worldview about 
security that predominates in much of the world 
and is the central principle of American foreign 
policy: "homeland security can only be achieved 
by domination, either military, economic or 
diplomatic, of all those who might be potential 
adversaries." It was this strategy of domination 
that led the United States into the war in Iraq 
and that still leads some Obama advisers to 
believe that it would be wise to shift the focus 
of that war to Afghanistan and/or Pakistan. Yet 
the strategy of domination does not and cannot 
work in the 21st century.

The most significant contribution the new Obama 
Administration could make to Middle East Peace 
would be to embrace an alternative strategy: that 
homeland security is best achieved through 
generosity and caring for others. If the United 
States were to announce its embrace of a Global 
Marshall Plan, beginning with the Middle East and 
backed up with money and the conscious 
articulation of a Strategy of Generosity, it 
would do more to help Israel than all the 
armaments it can promise and all the shuttle 
diplomacy it might facilitate. If this new way of 
thinking could become a major part of US policy, 
it would have an immense impact on undermining 
the fearful consciousness of Israelis who still 
see the world more through the frame of the 
Holocaust than through the frame of their actual 
present power in the world.

Meanwhile, it breaks my heart to see the terrible 
suffering in Gaza and Israel, as it does when 
witnessing the suffering brought to Iraq, 
Afghanistan, Pakistan, Darfur--and the list goes 
on. For me as a religious Jew it is all the 
worse, because under the guise of serving God, 
both Jews and Arabs are actually acting out their 
accumulated pain in ways that will generate 
future suffering. At the same time American Jews 
who yearn to justify Israel’s actions only 
confirm to many young Jews that there is no place 
for them in the Jewish world if they hold a 
normal ethical sensibility, and further confirms 
to me how easy it is to pervert the loving 
message of Judaism into a message of hatred and 
domination. So I remain in mourning for the 
Jewish people, for Israel, and for the world.

Rabbi Michael Lerner is editor of Tikkun, a 
prominent progressive Jewish and interfaith 
magazine and chair of the interfaith Network of 
Spiritual Progressives.

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