Two items on Bush/Cheney's DoJ. The first tells us that Obama will be 
"smart and cautious"
in dealing with the regime's US Attorney's. That is, he will not sack 
the lot of them, or most
of them, as Janet Reno did in 1993.

The second, more substantial piece concerns the "legacy of 
lawlessness" at Justice, the
regime having packed the place with diehard Busheviks, who could not 
easily be removed
in any case.

Let's keep a close eye on how many of them stay there in the months to come.

MCM

The U.S. Attorney Question Partially Answered

http://legaltimes.typepad.com/blt/2009/01/transition-staff-briefly-addresses-the-us-attorney-question.html

In a meeting last month with the Barack Obama's transition staff, 
representatives of the nation's top prosecutors caught a glimpse of 
the president-elect's thinking on the politically fraught issue of 
what to do with the the current 93 U.S. attorneys.

"[The president-elect] is going to be smart and be cautious. My gut 
feeling is it won't be like it was in 1993," said U.S. Attorney 
<http://www.usdoj.gov/usao/txw/us_attorney/index.html>Johnny Sutton 
of Texas' Western District, a member of the Attorney General's 
Advisory Committee of U.S. Attorneys. On Dec. 11, Sutton and 15 other 
members of the committee met with Obama's DOJ transition chief, 
<http://www.wilmerhale.com/david_ogden/>David Ogden, and his staff at 
the Justice Department to advise them on law enforcement issues and 
to point out areas the committee believes require special attention.

At the meeting, Ogden briefly discussed the U.S. attorney issue, 
though he said he had had no role in deciding who stays and who goes, 
according to one committee member. Ogden, a partner at Wilmer Cutler 
Pickering Hale and Dorr, is reportedly the leading candidate for the 
Justice Department's No. 2 spot.

Sutton declined to characterize Ogden's comments but said he left the 
meeting with the impression that the president-elect will address the 
U.S. attorneys individually. "I think they're going to work on a 
case-by-case basis," said Sutton, who as a member of the Bush-Cheney 
transition took part in similar meetings before he was a committee 
member.

A Justice Department official declined to discuss the committee's 
recommendations to the transition staff or Ogden's comments regarding 
the fate of the current set of U.S. attorneys. "It was a productive, 
informational meeting," the official said. The transition team also 
met with members of the civil chiefs working group and the criminal 
chiefs working group, which are extensions of the advisory committee.

The last two administrations suffered political wounds for their 
handling of U.S. attorneys. The Justice Department is still 
recovering from the scandal over the firings of nine U.S. attorneys 
in President George W. Bush's second term, and President Bill Clinton 
and Attorney General Janet Reno were panned for sacking 92 of them in 
1993, a move critics said disrupted the continuity of leadership in 
the U.S. attorneys offices during the transition.

At least one U.S. attorney is destined to hold his job well past Jan. 
20. Obama has said publicly he will retain Patrick Fitzgerald, of 
Illinois' Northern District, who is supervising the prosecution of 
Gov. Rod Blagojevich.
Obama Faces Legacy of Lawlessness at Justice

Career Lawyers Hired for Ideology Entrenched in Agency

By Daphne Eviatar 1/2/09 6:00 AM


<http://washingtonindependent.com/23564/obama-faces-legacy-of-lawlessness-at-justice>http://washingtonindependent.com/23564/obama-faces-legacy-of-lawlessness-at-justice

After 29 years enforcing the civil rights laws at the Department of 
Justice, in 2002 Richard Ugelow was abruptly transferred from his 
position as deputy chief of employment litigation to an 
administrative job in the civil division, which defends the 
government against, among other things, claims of civil rights 
violations. Ugelow was just one of many highly experienced justice 
department lawyers who, beginning in the early years of the Bush 
administration, were transferred, demoted or otherwise pushed out of 
their positions at Justice because their aggressive enforcement of 
federal laws didn't match the new administration's conservative 
ideology.
Matt Mahurin

That's just one of the many serious problems at the Department of 
Justice that the incoming Obama administration will have to rectify, 
say former Justice Department employees, law professors and civil 
rights advocates. As internal government reports and congressional 
hearings have documented, the Bush Justice Department over the last 
eight years expelled or ignored attorneys that it didn't agree with 
and replaced them with inexperienced lawyers hired more for their 
ideology than their qualifications. Many of those promoted and 
implemented conservative agendas that in some cases turned out to be 
illegal. Those lawyers who were given career positions can't simply 
be pushed out by a new administration, however - and they could make 
it difficult for Obama to implement a new agenda.

Under President Bush, "there was a total disregard for the career 
attorneys," said Ugelow, who now teaches at American University's 
Washington College of Law. "When they initially came in they stopped 
all enforcement activities. The administration came in with the 
attitude that we're not going to use the courts to enforce the law."

The result, says Jon Greenbaum, a former senior attorney in the 
Voting Section of the Civil Rights Division at the Justice 
Department, was "you had people in charge who didn't know what the 
heck they were doing. At the civil rights division, you had some of 
the people who were most hostile to civil rights running things."

In fact, as an inspector general's report revealed, potential new 
hires during the Bush administration were disqualified for jobs if in 
the past they'd worked for Democrats or organizations with "liberal 
affiliations" - such as civil rights groups. The inspector general 
concluded that "political or ideological affiliations were used to 
deselect candidates" applying for entry-level attorney positions and 
internships.

The Inspector General is still investigating a separate set of 
allegations that DOJ lawyers hired attorneys for the civil rights 
division based on ideology in violation of the civil service laws.

Not surprisingly, during the Bush years, civil rights enforcement on 
behalf of minorities dropped dramatically. From 2000 to 2006, for 
example, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission referred more 
than 3200 individual charges of discrimination to the civil rights 
division, yet the division filed only seven cases (pdf) on behalf of 
African-Americans or Latinos. And of only seven cases (pdf) alleging 
systemic racial discrimination brought by September of 2007, two were 
reverse discrimination cases - alleging systemic discrimination 
against whites.

The department's enforcement of the Voting Rights Act, meanwhile, 
essentially came to a halt, says Greenbaum, as political appointees 
refused to bring new voting rights cases recommended by longtime 
career attorneys and at times ignored their legal judgments.

In 2003, for example, voting division lawyers and analysts 
unanimously warned that a Texas redistricting plan spearheaded by 
Republican Rep. Tom Delay would violate the voting rights act by by 
diluting black and latino voting power. They were overruled by 
political appointees. In 2006, the US Supreme Court held that the 
redistricting plan was unconstitutional.

Similarly, when Georgia sought to pass a voter ID law, career staff 
objected that the law would effectively discriminate against minority 
voters, many of whom would not have the kinds of identification cards 
required. "Again, the front office just didn't care. They pretty much 
ignored it," says Greenbaum, now director of the Voting Rights 
Project at the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law. 
Although Justice Department senior officials signed off on the 
Georgia law, it was eventually ruled unconstitutional by a federal 
judge, who likened the ID requirement to a poll tax from the Jim Crow 
era.

Obama will soon have the opportunity to hire his own political 
appointee to lead the Civil Rights Division. Still, "[t]he overall 
damage caused by losing a large body of the committed career staff 
and replacing it with persons with little or no interest or 
experience in civil rights enforcement has been severe and will be 
difficult to overcome," Joseph Rich, the former chief of the voting 
section at Justice from 1999 to 2005, told a congressional committee 
in 2007.

And it's not just the civil rights division that's been damaged, 
lawyers warn. Attorney General Alberto Gonzales's dismissal of seven 
US Attorneys in 2006 allegedly based on ideology is now under 
investigation by a special prosecutor. And at the Office of Legal 
counsel, Assistant Attorney General Jay Bybee and his deputy John Yoo 
advised the president in 2002 that he had unprecedented executive 
authority to ignore federal and international law. Those opinions - 
later sharply criticized and partly withdrawn by Jack Goldsmith, 
Bybee's successor - led President Bush and his senior officials to 
authorize the torture, abuse and humiliation of detainees in 
violation of the Geneva Conventions and US anti-torture law, and to 
permit warrantless wiretapping of US citizens. Civil rights advocates 
are now calling for criminal investigations into those who authorized 
those acts - including the lawyers.

Looking forward, advocates and former career lawyers hope the new 
Obama administration will change that. But it won't be easy. Although 
Obama will make new political appointments, such as the heads of the 
Office of Legal Counsel and of the civil rights division, he's stuck 
with many of the career attorneys that some say are unqualified.

"You can't get rid of the career people," says Michael Ratner, 
president of the Center for Constitutional Rights and professor at 
Columbia Law School. "They have civil service protections. To fire 
them for political reasons would be the equivalent of hiring them for 
political reasons. On the other hand you don't have to let them run 
their politics on the case."

In fact, say legal scholars and advocates, the most important change 
Obama can make at Justice is to eliminate ideology from 
decision-making and return the department to its tradition of fairly 
enforcing the law.

"For me, the structural issue is the independence of the office of 
legal counsel," says Ratner. "OLC got utterly maligned and controlled 
by [Dick] Cheney and [David] Addington. So restoring the office of 
legal counsel to an independent voice is absolutely crucial."

Advocates such as Ratner are pushing for prosecutions of Cheney, 
Addington, Rumsfeld and others, insisting that only by prosecuting 
such abuses can the new justice department prevent their recurrence. 
Obama has not said whether he will initiate a criminal investigation, 
although he hasn't ruled it out.

But there are also actions a new administration can take short of 
prosecution that could go a long way toward restoring respect for the 
rule of law, say legal scholars.

Making all the legal memos public is an important first step, said 
Sharon Kelly, a campaign manager at Human Rights First. The new 
administration should also review all of those memos and refute those 
that promote an unlawful view of unbridled executive power, says 
Ratner, who notes that although Goldsmith refuted the infamous 
"torture memo" written by John Yoo, he's "never refuted the broad 
views of Yoo that the executive can do whatever is necessary to 
protect the country in war. I would want to see the justice 
department pull in the broad statements by affirmatively saying the 
president cannot violate the law in the name of national security."

As for the civil rights division, it will have to get the lawyers 
hired under the Bush administration to begin vigorously enforcing the 
civil rights laws. In the area of voting rights, for example, the 
2010 Census data is expected to lead to a flood of proposals for 
redistricting in 2011 and 2012, many of which will require review 
under the Voting Rights Act.

Ugelow is optimistic: "I'm hoping they'll put somebody in charge who 
will have some gravitas and be well respected and appoint 
subordinates around him or her who will set a tone where enforcement 
is the order of the day."

Other than Eric Holder, Obama's pick for the next attorney general, 
the president-elect hasn't yet announced his choices for who will 
lead key divisions at Justice. But David Ogden, former assistant 
attorney general for the Civil Division under President Clinton and 
now a partner at the law firm Wilmer Hale, is considered a likely 
pick for Deputy Attorney General. Ugelow said he thinks Holder will 
be "terrific" and that Ogden "has a wonderful reputation as a 
straight shooter."

Washington lawyers say that Tom Perez, a former Justice Department 
lawyer, now secretary of labor in Maryland and serving on Obama's 
transition team, is a possible pick for the Civil Rights division.

Potential leaders for Office of Legal Counsel include Martin 
Lederman, a former OLC attorney now teaching at Georgetown University 
Law School, and Dawn Johnsen, a law professor at Indiana University 
and former acting assistant attorney general of the office. Both are 
on Obama's transition team.

"The next AG is going to have his work cut out for him," warns Kelly 
of Human Rights First. "The Department of Justice needs strong 
leadership to put things back on track. Hopefully, it will go back to 
being a place more interested in upholding the law than in finding 
ways to skirt it."


Peace,
Liz

Liz Rich
lizrich...@aol.com






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