Obama preserves renditions
as counter-terrorism tool

The role of the CIA's controversial prisoner-transfer program may 
expand, intelligence
experts say.

By Greg Miller
February 1, 2009

http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/washingtondc/la-na-rendition1-2009feb01,0,4661244.story

Reporting from Washington -- The CIA's secret prisons are being 
shuttered. Harsh interrogation techniques are off-limits. And 
Guantanamo Bay will eventually go back to being a wind-swept
naval base on the southeastern corner of Cuba.

But even while dismantling these programs, President Obama left 
intact an equally controversial counter-terrorism tool.

Under 
<http://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing_room/executive_orders/>executive 
orders issued by Obama recently, the CIA still has authority to carry 
out what
are known as renditions, secret abductions and transfers of prisoners 
to countries that cooperate
with the United States.

Current and former U.S. intelligence officials said that the 
rendition program might be poised to
play an expanded role going forward because it was the main remaining 
mechanism -- aside from Predator missile strikes -- for taking 
suspected terrorists off the street.

The rendition program became a source of embarrassment for the CIA, 
and a target of
international scorn, as details emerged in recent years of botched 
captures, mistaken identities
and allegations that prisoners were turned over to countries where 
they were tortured.

The European Parliament condemned renditions as "an illegal 
instrument used by the United
States." Prisoners swept up in the program have sued the CIA as well 
as a Boeing Co. subsidiary accused of working with the agency on 
dozens of rendition flights.

But the Obama administration appears to have determined that the 
rendition program was one component of the Bush administration's war 
on terrorism that it could not afford to discard.

The decision underscores the fact that the battle with Al Qaeda and 
other terrorist groups is far
from over and that even if the United States is shutting down the 
prisons, it is not done taking prisoners.

"Obviously you need to preserve some tools -- you still have to go 
after the bad guys," said an Obama administration official, speaking 
on condition of anonymity when discussing the legal reasoning. "The 
legal advisors working on this looked at rendition. It is 
controversial in some
circles and kicked up a big storm in Europe. But if done within 
certain parameters, it is an
acceptable practice."

One provision in 
<http://www.whitehouse.gov/the_press_office/EnsuringLawfulInterrogations/>one 
of Obama's orders appears to preserve the CIA's ability to detain and
interrogate terrorism suspects as long as they are not held 
long-term. The little-noticed provision
states that the instructions to close the CIA's secret prison sites 
"do not refer to facilities used
only to hold people on a short-term, transitory basis."

Despite concern about rendition, Obama's prohibition of many other 
counter-terrorism tools
could prompt intelligence officers to resort more frequently to the 
"transitory" technique.

The decision to preserve the program did not draw major protests, 
even among human rights
groups. Leaders of such organizations attribute that to a sense that 
nations need certain tools to combat terrorism.

"Under limited circumstances, there is a legitimate place" for 
renditions, said Tom Malinowski,
the Washington advocacy director for Human Rights Watch. "What I 
heard loud and clear from
the president's order was that they want to design a system that 
doesn't result in people being sent
to foreign dungeons to be tortured -- but that designing that system 
is going to take some time."

Malinowski said he had urged the Obama administration to stipulate 
that prisoners could be transferred only to countries where they 
would be guaranteed a public hearing in an official
court. "Producing a prisoner before a real court is a key safeguard 
against torture, abuse and disappearance," Malinowski said.

CIA veterans involved in renditions characterized the program as 
important but of limited intelligence-gathering use. It is used 
mainly for terrorism suspects not considered valuable
enough for the CIA to keep, they said.

"The reason we did interrogations [ourselves] is because renditions 
for the most part weren't
very productive," said a former senior CIA official who spoke on 
condition of anonymity
because of the sensitive nature of the subject.

The most valuable intelligence on Al Qaeda came from prisoners who 
were in CIA custody
and questioned by agency experts, the official said. Once prisoners 
were turned over to Egypt,
Jordan or elsewhere, the agency had limited influence over how much 
intelligence was shared,
how prisoners were treated and whether they were later released.

"In some ways, [rendition] is the worst option," the former official 
said. "If they are in U.S.
hands, you have a lot of checks and balances, medics and lawyers. 
Once you turn them over
to another service, you lose control."

In his 
<http://www.whitehouse.gov/the_press_office/EnsuringLawfulInterrogations/>executive
 
order on lawful interrogations, Obama created a task force to 
reexamine
renditions to make sure that they "do not result in the transfer of 
individuals to other nations
to face torture," or otherwise circumvent human rights laws and treaties.

The CIA has long maintained that it does not turn prisoners over to 
other countries without
first obtaining assurances that the detainees will not be mistreated.

In a 2007 speech, 
<http://www.cia.gov/news-information/speeches-testimony/2007/general-haydens-remarks-at-the-council-on-foreign-relations.html>www.cia.gov/news-information/speeches-testimony/2007/general-haydens-remarks-at-the-council-on-foreign-relations.html,
 
the agency had to make a determination in every case "that it is less,
rather than more, likely that the individual will be tortured." He 
added that the CIA sought
"true assurances" and that "we're not looking to shave this 49-51."

Even so, the rendition program became a target of fierce criticism 
during the Bush administration
as a series of cases surfaced.

In one of the most notorious instances, a German citizen named Khaled 
Masri was arrested in Macedonia in 2003 and whisked away by the CIA 
to a secret prison in Afghanistan. He was
quietly released in Albania five months later after the agency 
determined it had mistaken Masri
for an associate of the Sept. 11 hijackers.

Masri later described being abducted by "seven or eight men dressed 
in black and wearing
black ski masks." 
<http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/la-oe-elmasri3mar03%2C0%2C3264255.story>He 
said he was stripped of his clothes, placed in a diaper and 
blindfolded
before being taken aboard a plane in shackles -- an account that 
matches other descriptions
of prisoners captured in the rendition program.

In another prominent case, an Egyptian cleric known as Abu Omar was 
abducted in Italy in
2003 and secretly flown to an Egyptian jail, where he said he was 
tortured. The incident
became a major source of embarrassment to the CIA when Italian 
authorities, using cellphone records, identified agency operatives 
involved in the abduction and sought to prosecute them.

Defenders of the rendition program point out that it has been an 
effective tool since the early
1990s and was often used to bring terrorism suspects to courts in the 
United States. Among
them was Ramzi Ahmed Yousef, who was captured in Pakistan and was 
convicted of helping orchestrate the 1993 World Trade Center bombing.

Because details on the rendition program are classified, the scale of 
the program has been a
subject of wide-ranging speculation.

An exhaustive 
<http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?language=EN&type=IM-PRESS&reference=20070209IPR02947>investigation
 
by the European Union concluded that the CIA had operated
more than 1,200 flights in European airspace after the Sept. 11 attacks.

The implication was that most were rendition-related, with some 
taking suspects to states
where they faced torture.

But U.S. intelligence officials contend that the EU report greatly 
exaggerated the scale of the
program and that most of the flights documented by the Europeans 
involved moving supplies and CIA personnel, not prisoners.

Instead, recent comments by Hayden suggest that the program has been 
used to move no more
than a handful of prisoners in recent years and that the total is in 
the "midrange two figures"
since the Sept. 11 attacks.

<mailto:greg.mil...@latimes.com>greg.mil...@latimes.com
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