The New Yorker

Posted by Jane Mayer

January 25, 2009

Behind the Executive Orders

<http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/tny/2009/01/behind-the-executive-orders.html>http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/tny/2009/01/behind-the-executive-orders.html


On Thursday, President Barack Obama consigned to 
history the worst excesses of the Bush 
Administration's "war on terror." One of the four 
executive orders that Obama signed effectively 
cancelled seven years of controversial Justice 
Department legal opinions authorizing methods of 
treating terror suspects so brutal that even a 
top Bush Administration official overseeing 
prosecutions at Guantánamo, Susan Crawford, 
recently admitted that they amounted to torture. 
According to some of those opinions, many of 
which remain classified, President Bush could 
authorize U.S. officials to capture, interrogate, 
and indefinitely imprison terror suspects all 
around the globe, outside of any legal process.

The Obama Administration's reforms may have 
seemed as simple as the stroke of a pen. But, on 
Friday afternoon, the new White House counsel, 
Greg Craig, acknowledged that the reversal had 
been gestating for more than a year. Moreover, 
Craig noted in his first White House interview 
that the reforms were not finished yet and that 
Obama had deliberately postponed several of the 
hardest legal questions. Craig said that, as he 
talked with the President before the signing 
ceremony, Obama was "very clear in his own mind 
about what he wanted to accomplish, and what he 
wanted to leave open for further consultation 
with experts."

The steps already taken amount to a stunning 
political turnaround. One of the executive orders 
places all terror suspects held abroad 
unambiguously under the protection of the Geneva 
Conventions, which outlaw any cruel, inhuman, and 
degrading treatment. Obama also unilaterally 
closed the C.I.A.'s "black sites," and set a 
one-year deadline for closing the military prison 
camp at Guantánamo. He decreed that, from now on, 
the International Committee for the Red Cross 
must have access to all detainees in U.S. 
custody; the Bush Administration barred the Red 
Cross from seeing prisoners held by the C.I.A.

Sitting at a spotless conference table in an 
undecorated West Wing corner office up a narrow 
flight of stairs from the Oval Office, Craig, who 
is sixty-three, seemed boyish and energized. He 
explained that Obama's bold legal moves were the 
result of a "painstaking" process that started in 
Iowa, before the first Presidential caucus. It 
was there that Obama met with a handful of former 
high-ranking military officers who opposed the 
Bush Administration's legalization of abusive 
interrogations. Sickened by the photographs from 
Abu Ghraib and disheartened by what they regarded 
as the illegal and dangerous degradation of 
military standards, the officers had formed an 
unlikely alliance with the legal-advocacy group 
Human Rights First, and had begun lobbying the 
candidates of both parties to close the loopholes 
that Bush had opened for torture.

Obama was "very excited" that day in Iowa, one 
participant in the off-the-record meeting 
recalled, "because he had just gotten polls 
showing that he was ahead," but he didn't seem 
particularly "comfortable" with the military 
delegation. The group of military men, which 
included the retired four-star generals Dave 
Maddox and Joseph Hoar, lectured Obama about the 
importance of being Commander-in-Chief. In 
particular, they warned him that every word he 
uttered would be taken as an order by the 
highest-ranking officers as well as the lowliest 
private. Any wiggle room for abusive 
interrogations, they emphasized, would be 
construed as permission.

Obama "asked smart questions, but didn't seem 
inspired by it. He totally understood the effect 
that Abu Ghraib had on America's reputation," the 
participant said. But, in general, "he was very 
businesslike. He didn't flatter the officers," as 
most of the other candidates had. In addition, 
Obama's staff, the participant said, approached 
the meeting with the retired officers with less 
urgency than some of the other campaigns had. 
"But," the participant said, in retrospect, "it 
started an education process."

Last month, several members of the same group met 
with both Craig, who by then was slated to become 
Obama's top legal adviser, and Attorney 
General-designate Eric Holder. The two future 
Obama Administration lawyers were particularly 
taken with a retired four-star Marine general and 
conservative Republican named Charles (Chuck) 
Krulak. Krulak insisted that ending the Bush 
Administration's coercive interrogation and 
detention regime was "right for America and right 
for the world," a participant recalled, and 
promised that if the Obama Administration did 
what he described as "the right thing," which he 
acknowledged wouldn't be politically easy, he 
would personally "fly cover" for them.

Last week, as Obama signed the executive order, 
sixteen retired generals and flag officers from 
the same group did just that. Told on Monday that 
they were needed at the White House, they flew to 
the capital from as far away as California, a 
phalanx of square-jawed certified patriots 
providing cover for Obama's announcement.

Shortly before the signing ceremony, Craig said, 
Obama met with the officers in the Roosevelt 
Room, along with Vice-President Biden and several 
other top Administration officials. "It was 
hugely important to the President to have the 
input from these military people," Craig said, 
"not only because of their proven concern for 
protecting the American people-they'd dedicated 
their lives to it-but also because some had their 
own experience they could speak from." Two of the 
officers had sons serving in Iraq and 
Afghanistan. One of them, retired Major General 
Paul Eaton, stressed that, as he put it later 
that day, "torture is the tool of the lazy, the 
stupid, and the pseudo-tough. It's also perhaps 
the greatest recruiting tool that the terrorists 
have." The feeling in the room, as retired Rear 
Admiral John Hutson later put it, "was joy, 
perhaps, that the country was getting back on 
track."

Across the Potomac River, at the C.I.A.'s 
headquarters, in Langley, Virginia, however, 
there was considerably less jubilation. Top 
C.I.A. officials have argued for years that 
so-called "enhanced" interrogation techniques 
have yielded lifesaving intelligence 
breakthroughs. "They disagree in some respect," 
Craig admitted. Among the hard questions that 
Obama left open, in fact, is whether the C.I.A. 
will have to follow the same interrogation rules 
as the military. While the President has clearly 
put an end to cruel tactics, Craig said that 
Obama "is somewhat sympathetic to the spies' 
argument that their mission and circumstances are 
different."

Despite such sentiments, Obama's executive orders 
will undoubtedly rein in the C.I.A. 
Waterboarding, for instance, has gone the way of 
the rack, now that the C.I.A. is strictly bound 
by customary interpretations of the Geneva 
Conventions. This decision, too, was the result 
of intense deliberation. During the transition 
period, unknown to the public, Obama's legal, 
intelligence, and national-security advisers 
visited Langley for two long sessions with 
current and former intelligence-community 
members. They debated whether a ban on brutal 
interrogation practices would hurt their ability 
to gather intelligence, and the advisers asked 
the intelligence veterans to prepare a 
cost-benefit analysis. The conclusions may 
surprise defenders of harsh interrogation 
tactics. "There was unanimity among Obama's 
expert advisers," Craig said, "that to change the 
practices would not in any material way affect 
the collection of intelligence."

Posted by Jane Mayer
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