http://www.nationalreview.com/derbyshire/derbyshire101901.shtml

"Our Lost Land"
Israel, Taiwan, Ulster.

Mr. Derbyshire is also an NR contributing editor
===> October 18, 2001 8:50 a.m.


===

Let the whole world know that we shall never accept that the tragedy of
Andalusia would be repeated in Palestine. We cannot accept that Palestine
will become Jewish.
- Osama bin Laden, October 7th [2001]

===


Andalusia is the southernmost bit of Spain, which remained Moslem until
Ferdinand of Aragon reduced it in 1492. Our bearded adversary is whining
about something that happened 509 years ago! This is tough for Americans to
grasp, I know. With the exception of a small number of southerners still
fretting over Abraham Lincoln's "War of Northern Aggression," and of course
the race-resentment cliques banging tiresomely on about slavery reparations
and the Battle of Wounded Knee, Americans are a forward-looking people not
much inclined to froth and fume over injustices done to their ancestors,
preferring instead to use their energies in building a secure and prosperous
life for their descendants. Elsewhere, as bin Laden's little rant reminds
us, things are different.

Bin Laden's comment about Andalusia brought to mind an incident that
happened to me 20 years ago. I was working on contract in Tallaght, a suburb
of Dublin. A few months previously there had been a meeting at Dublin Castle
between Margaret Thatcher, then of course the Prime Minister of the U.K.,
and Charles Haughey, her opposite number in the Republic of Ireland. This
meeting had enraged the fiercer kind of Irish Republicans. Well, there I
was, sitting in a pub in Tallaght with some Irish friends, in the summer of
1981. A song came on the jukebox, and I gathered, listening to the words,
that it was a protest ballad against the Dublin Castle meeting. The protest
was aimed at Haughey, who was referred to in every chorus as: "Our Dermot
MacMurrough of Eighty-One." (Which has a pleasant dactylic lilt to it. You
can depend on the Irish for a good tune.)

I knew very little about Irish history at that point, and inquired
innocently of my Irish friends: "Who is this Dermot MacMurrough he's singing
about?" Ah, they instructed me, he was the fellow who first opened the door
to let the English into Ireland. And that would be when? I asked. Back came
the answer: A.D. 1167 - over 800 years ago. An awful long time to be nursing
a grievance, I thought quietly to myself.

The next time I encountered this phenomenon was a year later, when I was
living in China. Naturally curious to know what image Chinese people had of
my own country, I was surprised to find that the only thing universally
known about Britain was that we had burned the emperor's summer palace in
1860. Chinese people, I found, were generally too polite to mention this to
one's face, but in their government's propaganda materials - a category of
literature that, in China, includes things like school textbooks and TV
documentaries - it loomed large, forming almost the sole image of British
character and policy that most Chinese people were acquainted with. Magna
Carta? The Glorious Revolution? Ending of the slave trade? The Factory Acts?
Churchill standing alone against Fascism? Fuhgeddaboutem - you burned our
Summer Palace!

This harping on ancient grievances is, I think, characteristic of people who
feel the sting of some national or collective humiliation - people who feel,
I mean, that their culture, their way of life, has been elbowed off the
sidewalk by one that is bigger, richer, stronger, more potent. Irish people
felt that way in 1981, though with the rise of the "Celtic Tiger" and the
immigration of unskilled English laborers to work on Irish construction
sites, the feeling has much diminished recently. Chinese people, who cannot
understand why the glories of their ancient civilization have cratered into
the ugliness, cruelty, and squalor of a "People's Republic" in which the
actual people have no voice, also feel that way. And of course, thoughtful
Moslems surveying the complete failure of the House of Islam to come to
terms with the modern world, are likewise humiliated, and salve their hurt
pride by picking at 500-year-old wounds.

Nations that have modernized successfully do not feel like this. The Moslems
were kicked out of Spain? Poor things! For heaven's sake: We British have
been kicked out of far better places than that in our history, but you don't
hear us whining about it. Matter of fact, at the time of "the tragedy of
Andalusia," England was still holding on to the city of Calais, the last
remnant of the Plantagenet empire in continental Europe. (Those of you who
thought the Victorian empire was a one-time fluke, go to the back of the
class. There have actually been three British empires. At the moment we are
taking a rest from empire building.) Calais was not lost until 66 years
later when, on January 7th 1558, the French seized it after launching a
sneak attack. Our monarch at the time was Mary Tudor, who died a few months
later wailing that: "When I am dead and opened, you will find 'Calais' lying
in my heart." Very few English people nowadays would understand a reference
to "the tragedy of Calais," and even fewer - none at all, in fact, I am
willing to guarantee - would take it as a call to action to restore our
national greatness.

Angry talk about "lost territories" that must be "recovered" is, in fact, a
sure symptom of a major national or cultural inferiority complex. Who has
not felt, talking to an Arab, a Chinese person, or an ardent Irish
Republican, that the rage they nurse about Israel, Taiwan, and Ulster
respectively is wildly out of proportion to the actual issues involved in
sovereignty over those tiny territories? "How would Americans feel if Hawaii
broke away from the U.S.A. and declared independence?" my Chinese friends
ask triumphantly, as if this were a decisive argument for the subjugation of
Taiwan. Well, how would you feel? I think that if Americans were convinced
that the secession was genuinely the desire of most Hawaiians, they would
accept it in a spirit of democratic self-determination. (That the Union did
not take this view towards the Confederate States was an entirely different
matter, in a very different time.)

Most to the point, the issue is anyway moot, since Hawaii is going to do no
such thing. The advantages of being part of the United States - a
constitutional republic, with liberty and justice for all under fair laws,
and abundant prosperity for all those willing to exert a minimum of effort -
are simply too great. There is the rub. Those "lost territories" don't want
to be part of the "motherland" because the "motherland" is not a fit place
for human beings to live. This is true of the entire Arab world, with its
rickety gangster-regimes run by corrupt thugs; it is true of China, where
peasants starve and workers go unpaid while the self-elected leaders of the
People's Democratic Dictatorship shovel the national wealth into their Swiss
bank accounts; it was true until recently of the Irish Republic, for the
first few decades of its existence a stagnant rustic theocracy with little
appeal to anyone whose aspirations rose to anything higher than sitting
around a peat fire discussing the Council of Trent in Gaelic. Zero
immigration, or actual net emigration, is one of the distinguishing marks of
an aggrieved "motherland" fuming about some "lost territory." Nobody wants
to live there. It used to be a regular feature of opinion polls in Northern
Ireland - I have not see one recently - to turn up a solid proportion of
Northern Catholics who had no desire to be ruled from Dublin (the Protestant
majority is, of course, 100 percent against the idea). One wonders how many
Israeli Arabs would actually prefer to be brought under the tender mercies
of Yasser Arafat's "Palestinian Authority." Certainly very few inhabitants
of Taiwan relish the thought of becoming citizens of the People's Republic.

Instead of taking these "lost territories" claims seriously, we should
understand them for what they are: irrational and undemocratic responses to
a sense of cultural humiliation, coming under the scope not of political
science but of psychopathology.





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