http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/577293.html

A conversation with a satisfied customer  

By Ze'ev Schiff  
"In the present conflict against Palestinian terror, the IDF had
excellent intelligence, like no other army has ever had in dealing
with terror. I have found no other army with such quality of
intelligence in a war of this type."

This statement came from Brigadier General Gadi Eisencott, commander
of the Israel Defense Forces' Judea and Samaria division, who for the
past two years directed most of the operations against terror
organizations in the West Bank. He is one of the chief consumers of
intelligence in Israel's war on terror, and consumers of intelligence
are, as is well known, usually very critical. They tend to claim that
they did not have enough information or it got to them too late, after
the enemy had changed its position.

If Eisencott, who served in the past as military secretary to prime
ministers Ehud Barak and Ariel Sharon, is appointed the next head of
the IDF Intelligence Branch, he will have to preserve the same high
level of intelligence supplied to the forces in the field, and even
improve it.
 
 
It is often mistakenly thought that most intelligence information
comes from the Shin Bet security service, but in fact a great deal of
it originates with military intelligence, through the eyes and ears of
its battalions in the field.

Eisencott is among those who argue that advanced technology, including
the air force, is not enough to win the war on terror. The enemy must
know that it faces experienced fighters who also use pistols, and at
short range. That is what causes terrorists to run and hide.

At the next stage of the fighting, after intelligence is obtained,
must come control over the territory and the population. It is this
control that ensures success. Eisencott was asked if in the case of
the territories this success was not "too great," that is, did the
army hit the Palestinians too hard, also bringing down the Palestinian
Authority's security organizations so that no one was left to take
over after Arafat's death?

Eisencott pointed out the surprising fact that in spite of the
harshness of the blows, and with Palestinian security forces actually
in collapse, the civilian system - education, health and most
municipal systems - continued to function impressively.

And what will happen after the army withdraws and its control becomes
very limited? In this case there will be no choice but to transfer
control to the Palestinians, who will be assisted by third parties,
such as American and British intelligence. And if the Palestinians
can't manage to control terror?

Eisencott believes that many Palestinians today think that terror does
them no good. That, apparently, is one reason that the activities of
Hezbollah are limited in the territories. Israel must reinforce as
much as possible the economic brakes on terrorism, especially by
granting permits to work in Israel.

At present, the decision has been made not to strike the organizations
supporting the cease-fire, which includes Hamas, except under
extraordinary circumstances. On the other hand, the IDF continues to
operate against Islamic Jihad and the Popular Front, which oppose the
cease-fire. The inclination is also not to operate in areas that have
been transferred to the PA unless it involves a "ticking bomb" and the
other side is not honoring its obligations.

The most difficult component Eisencott foresees in case of an outbreak
of violence is the firing of Qassam rockets and mortars from the West
Bank on adjacent Israeli cities. The assumption is that Israel will
have zero tolerance under such circumstances, and Eisencott believes
there will be no choice but to reoccupy the area from which the
rockets were fired.

Will renewed violence break out after disengagement? Perhaps. Opinions
are divided about this in the IDF; it is clear to many that it depends
to no small extent on Israel as well.

The army must be prepared for any eventuality. As long as there is no
such outbreak, it must recommend steps that increase Palestinian
motivation to rein in violence. If violence is renewed, the IDF must
do everything to win tangibly at the lowest possible cost to the
Israeli side. 







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