http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,20867,21295351-2703,00.html

Analysis: Serbia verdict may lead to peace
     * February 27, 2007

OF all the possible judgments available to the International Court of 
Justice, the one it delivered last night is the most likely to encourage 
peace between Bosnia and Serbia.

The court, throughout this landmark case, has said that it would be 
guided entirely by law and not by the explosive politics of the region. 
Those braced for turmoil will be relieved that the verdict gives 
something to either side and disappoints them equally.

The court held that Serbia had not committed genocide during the 1990s 
war, but that it had violated the obligation to prevent genocide in the 
1995 massacre in Srebrenica. It ruled that Serbia should immediately 
hand over General Ratko Mladic, indicted for genocide, for trial by the 
International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, but also that 
Serbia did not have to pay compensation to Bosnia.

Provided that Serbia does, indeed, hand over Mladic, this judgment will 
allow Serbia’s integration into Europe, glacial though that process is, 
while giving Bosnia formal recognition of the atrocities it suffered. 
The admission by Boris Tadic, the Serbian President, that his country 
faced “dramatic consequences” if it failed to comply is welcome.

Those are the pragmatic implications; the more difficult question is 
whether this case has served a useful purpose. The case, brought by 
Bosnia against Serbia, was the first time that a state was held to 
judicial account for genocide. The ICJ, set up 61 years ago to hear 
disputes between countries, has been more accustomed to ruling on 
maritime or boundary disagreements. In humanitarian law, it has so far 
been overshadowed by courts that try individuals for crimes, such as the 
International Criminal Court and the ad-hoc war crimes tribunals for 
Yugoslavia and Rwanda.

Those who have criticised the principle of bringing a war crimes case 
against a state have argued that the notion of state responsibility is 
empty. Establishing genocide, for example, generally rests on showing 
intention, but people, not states, have intentions, they argue. Others 
add that the principle offends the trend of half a century towards an 
emphasis on individual responsibility and rights, and rests on a 
discarded notion of collective guilt.

The counter-argument holds that the machinery of states should be held 
responsible, as well as individuals, because people are represented by 
their state. Others add that to hold only a few officials responsible 
casts the net too narrowly, and also that if the state is held 
responsible then it doesn’t mean that its people are collectively 
guilty, but that they are collectively responsible, for reparations, for 
example.

The court did side firmly with the principle that “states can be held 
responsible for genocide”, but it set the bar for demonstrating 
responsibility very high. Although it ruled that the Srebrenica massacre 
amounted to genocide, it did not uphold Bosnia’s claims that Serbia was 
responsible. Bosnia had failed to show that Serbia intended this, it 
said; or that Serbia controlled the Bosnian Serb army and paramilitary 
units that carried out the massacre. It also rejected Bosnia’s argument 
that even if a line of control could not be shown, the pattern of 
atrocities, helped by Serbian weapons and money, was tantamount to 
Serbian responsibility.

A sane and useful ruling, then, and whatever the court says about the 
purity of its motivation, one that is, in pragmatic terms, likely to be 
the happiest outcome.

Ghost town

— Srebrenica was a Muslim enclave in Serb-held territory

— In 1991 it was 75% Muslim, 25% Serb

— Declared UN “safe area” in April 1993

— 600 Dutch peacekeepers were defending the town when Bosnian Serb 
forces massed near by in April 1995

— They moved in and killed more than 8,000 Muslims over three days in July

Source: Times archives

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