"John Milne does not lobby John Boehner on any issue and has not
lobbied him on any issue during the time period in which John has been
renting the property," he said.

Seymour added that he does not know if other members of Milne's
mCapitol Management firm have lobbied Boehner. "We really have no idea
on this one," he said. "We'd have to know who else works for those
firms, which we don't offhand. It's possible the answer is yes, but we
don't know."



An incredible response from a senior staffer for a Congressman who at
one point eight years ago, was reprimanded for handing out tobacco
lobbyist checks to other members on the House Floor.  A worthy
replacement for DeLay...at least as far as lobbying firms are
concerned.  Reform will be interesting; especially since Boehner has
already frowned on forbidding members to accept travel from lobbying
firms.  Business as usual in Bushworld...

David Bier

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/02/07/AR2006020701913_pf.html

Boehner Rents Apartment Owned by Lobbyist in D.C.

By Thomas B. Edsall and Jonathan Weisman
Washington Post Staff Writers
Wednesday, February 8, 2006; A03

Rep. John A. Boehner (R-Ohio), who was elected House majority leader
last week, is renting his Capitol Hill apartment from a veteran
lobbyist whose clients have direct stakes in legislation Boehner has
co-written and that he has overseen as chairman of the Education and
the Workforce Committee.

The relationship between Boehner, John D. Milne and Milne's wife,
Debra R. Anderson, underscores how intertwined senior lawmakers have
become with the lobbyists paid to influence legislation. Boehner's
primary residence is in West Chester, Ohio, but for $1,600 a month, he
rents a two-bedroom basement apartment near the House office buildings
on Capitol Hill owned by Milne, Boehner spokesman Don Seymour said
yesterday. Boehner's monthly rent appears to be similar to other
rentals of two-bedroom English basement apartments close to the House
side of the Capitol in Southeast, based on a review of apartment listings.

Milne's clients -- including restaurant chains and health insurance
companies -- hired him to lobby on issues at the heart of Boehner's
work, including minimum-wage increases, small-business tax breaks and
tax-free savings accounts to help cover insurance costs, congressional
lobbying records show.

In the weeks preceding last week's GOP leadership elections, Boehner
acknowledged his close ties to the lobbying community, but he assured
Republican lawmakers that all of his relationships were ethical and he
campaigned on a platform of change and reform. Seymour reiterated that
message last night.

"John Milne does not lobby John Boehner on any issue and has not
lobbied him on any issue during the time period in which John has been
renting the property," he said.

Seymour added that he does not know if other members of Milne's
mCapitol Management firm have lobbied Boehner. "We really have no idea
on this one," he said. "We'd have to know who else works for those
firms, which we don't offhand. It's possible the answer is yes, but we
don't know."

House members may not accept anything from lobbyists worth more than
$50. If Boehner is paying market-rate rent, it would appear he is not
violating that rule.

Boehner's work closely coincides with the interests of Milne. In 2002,
the House approved the Economic Security and Worker Assistance Act, a
tax measure originally drafted by Boehner, Rep. Sam Johnson (R-Tex.)
and Rep. Howard P. "Buck" McKeon (R-Calif.) as the Back to Work Act.
The measure eventually was signed into law.

Lobbying disclosure forms indicate that one of Milne's clients, Fortis
Health Plans, hired him to lobby the Economic Security and Worker
Assistance Act.

Another client, the Buca di Beppo chain of Italian restaurants, hired
Milne to push the Small Business Tax Fairness Act, which would allow
restaurants to deduct the cost of investments at a faster pace. The
measure was introduced by Rep. Kay Granger (R-Tex.) in 2003, with
Boehner as one of 15 co-sponsors. Many of its provisions have since
become law.

Fortis, now called Assurant Health, also asked Milne to push Health
Savings Accounts, the tax-free savings accounts established by
Congress to help with health care costs not covered by high-deductible
plans. Boehner is a proponent of such accounts, which President Bush
is targeting for a major expansion.

Buca di Beppo and another restaurant chain, Parasole Restaurant
Holdings Inc., also hired Milne to lobby on the minimum wage and tax
credits for tips, issues directly under the Education and the
Workforce Committee's purview.

The restaurant industry has long fought minimum-wage increases,
seeking instead to augment restaurant wages with tips that become more
valuable if they can avoid taxation. Despite numerous attempts by
Democrats and some pro-labor Republicans, the minimum wage has not
been raised since 1997, when it was lifted from $4.75 to $5.15. Since
then, inflation has eroded its value to near-record lows.

That such companies would hire Milne is no mystery. His firm overtly
promotes its connections to influential lawmakers.

"At mCapitol Management, we specialize in leveraging relationships on
our clients' behalf. Our bipartisan team's unique resources allow our
clients unparalleled access at the international, federal, state and
local level," the firm's Web site boasts.

Milne could not be reached by phone or e-mail. His wife, Anderson, who
is on the advisory board of mCapitol, said she and her husband have
been friends with Boehner and his wife for years. After buying the
house in 2004, she said, she mentioned at a social gathering that they
had a place to rent, and Boehner said he was interested.

Anderson described Boehner as an "excellent tenant" who pays his rent
on time.

Seymour said Boehner originally met Anderson in the early 1990s, when
she worked in the administration of President George H.W. Bush.





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