"They were nice men. I told them Iraq was not a threat to the United
States and that now people are dead for nothing. I told them I
wouldn't leave until I talked to George Bush. I want to ask the
president, 'Why did you kill my son? What did my son die for?' Last
week, he said my son died for a 'noble cause' and I want to ask him
what that noble cause is."

http://www.truthout.org/docs_2005/081005I.shtml

Bush Is No Nixon
    By William Rivers Pitt
    t r u t h o u t | Perspective

    Wednesday 10 August 2005

    No mother who lost her son to this Iraq war should be made to
stand in a ditch, and yet that is exactly where Cindy Sheehan stands
today, by the side of the road in Crawford, Texas. She has been
standing there since she heard about the 20 Marines who were killed in
Iraq last week, since she heard George W. Bush describe from his
vacation home the noble cause for which those Marines died.

    Cindy's son, Casey, died in Iraq for that cause more than a year
ago. She heard those words from Mr. Bush and went to Crawford. She
wanted to talk to the president. The folks in the ranch sent out a
couple of lackeys to speak with her. "They were very respectful,"
Sheehan said later to CNN. "They were nice men. I told them Iraq was
not a threat to the United States and that now people are dead for
nothing. I told them I wouldn't leave until I talked to George Bush. I
want to ask the president, 'Why did you kill my son? What did my son
die for?' Last week, he said my son died for a 'noble cause' and I
want to ask him what that noble cause is."

    Today, she is standing in a ditch by the side of the road in
Crawford, waiting to speak to Mr. Bush. Many who hear this may have
the obvious reaction: Who does this woman think she is? Who thinks
they can just bop down the road and speak to the president? This is an
important man, and there are security concerns, and anyway, who thinks
they can just show up for a sit-down like this?

    Well, Sheehan did get an invitation of sorts. A presidential
spokesman described Bush's time in Crawford (approximately five weeks,
or about as much vacation time as the average Frenchman gets) as a
chance for him to "shed his coat and tie and meet with folks in the
heartland and hear what's on their minds." Sure, this administration
has raised secrecy and isolation to a zen-like art form, but it
sounded pretty clearly like George goes to Texas to talk to the folks.
Cindy Sheehan would like to talk.

    It's interesting. In the last 50 years, few presidents have been
more reviled, denounced and tarnished than Richard M. Nixon. The
Vietnam war, Kent State, the attacks upon Cambodia, not to mention the
Watergate scandal, left Nixon surrounded by demonstrators and
investigators who eventually forced him into an unprecedented resignation.

    The Nixon and Bush administrations share a number of fascinating
similarities. Both inspired stunning vituperation from those who
opposed them. Hunter S. Thompson, avowed life-long foe of Nixon,
remembered him this way: "Let there be no mistake in the history books
about that. Richard Nixon was an evil man - evil in a way that only
those who believe in the physical reality of the Devil can understand
it. He was utterly without ethics or morals or any bedrock sense of
decency. Nobody trusted him - except maybe the Stalinist Chinese, and
honest historians will remember him mainly as a rat who kept
scrambling to get back on the ship."

    It is easy to imagine, and easy to find via a simple Google
search, similar sentiments aimed toward Mr. Bush.

    Both were burdened by an unpopular war, the fighting of which
appeared with each passing day to be more and more futile. Nixon's
Vietnam came to him from Johnson, and Kennedy before him, and
Eisenhower, whom Nixon served as vice president. Bush's Iraq came to
him from his father, not only from that first Bush administration but
from the senior's time as vice president to Reagan. One notable
difference here, of course, is that Nixon inherited a catastrophic
shooting war while Bush created one.

    Nixon and his people were obsessed with secrecy and with dirty
tricks. The boys in the Bush White House share the sentiment, and have
managed to surpass the Nixonian standards. Nixon wanted to destroy his
critics. Bush and his people have actually destroyed more than a few,
including a deep-cover CIA operative married to a man who attacked
Bush's Iraq policy in print.

    Both were dogged by protesters wherever they went, yet here is the
point at which the similarities diverge. Bush has the benefit of First
Amendment Zones, which keep demonstrations far away, out of sight and
out of mind. He would just as soon flush himself down a toilet as
speak to someone critical of his actions. More than any other
administration in recent memory, this Bush crew represents the triumph
of the Yes-Men. Bush is in his bubble, managed and spun, and nothing
gets through.

    Nixon, on the other hand, went a different way one interesting and
significant night. In May of 1970, right after the Kent State
shootings, when civil unrest across the nation had reached a fever
pitch and opposition to the war had roared again to the forefront,
Nixon woke his personal valet in the middle of the night. He grabbed a
few Secret Service agents and set off for the Lincoln Memorial. There,
he spent an hour talking with a large gathering of war protesters
encamped around the monument.

    The Time Magazine article from May 18, 1970, recalls the scene
this way: "When the conversation turned to the war, Nixon told the
students: 'I know you think we are a bunch of so and so's.'" Before he
left, Nixon said: 'I know you want to get the war over. Sure you came
here to demonstrate and shout your slogans on the ellipse. That's all
right. Just keep it peaceful. Have a good time in Washington, and
don't go away bitter.' The singular odyssey went on. Nixon and his
small contingent wandered through the capital, then drove to the
Mayflower Hotel for a breakfast of corned beef hash and eggs - his
first restaurant meal in Washington since he assumed power. Then he
withdrew to his study in the Executive Office Building to sit out the
day of protest."

    There will be a large anti-war protest in Washington DC on
September 24th. Is it even conceivable that George W. Bush might
remove himself from the White House that day to speak with the people
who disagree with his leadership? The idea is laughable on its face.

    Cindy Sheehan is not in a large crowd in Washington DC. She is not
camped on the Lincoln Memorial. She waits for Mr. Bush in a ditch by
the side of the road in Crawford, arguably the safest and most
comfortable spot in America for this self-styled cowboy. Yet he does
not emerge to speak to this woman who lost her son to his war.
Somehow, it seems a safe bet that not even Richard Nixon would keep
this woman waiting.

    There is an Iraqi sniper nicknamed Juba operating in southern
Baghdad. He is very good, never firing more than one shot to keep his
position concealed, and he almost always hits his mark. Juba is
credited with shooting more than a dozen American soldiers. According
to the UK Guardian, "He waits for soldiers to dismount, or stand up in
a Humvee turret, and aims for gaps in their body armour, the lower
spine, ribs or above the chest. He has killed from 200 metres away."

    Juba is but one threat to US soldiers in Iraq, who are there
because Bush sent them there on a mission based upon lies. How many
more mothers will Juba put down in that ditch next to Cindy Sheehan?
How long will they have to wait for an answer to their question?

    William Rivers Pitt is a New York Times and internationally
bestselling author of two books: War on Iraq: What Team Bush Doesn't
Want You to Know and The Greatest Sedition Is Silence.

 

    Go to Original

    One Mother in Crawford
    The New York Times | Editorial

    Tuesday 09 August 2005

    Summertime often produces unexpected media figures, and this is
Cindy Sheehan's season. Ms. Sheehan, the mother of a soldier killed in
Iraq last year, is camping out near President Bush's ranch in
Crawford, Tex., and says she won't leave until Mr. Bush agrees to meet
with her to discuss the war. There are many reasons for the flood of
media attention she is attracting: she has a poignant personal story
and she is articulate - and, let's face it, August is a slow news
month. But most of all, she is tapping into a growing popular feeling
that the Bush administration is out of touch with the realities, and
the costs, of the Iraq war.

    Ms. Sheehan's 24-year-old son, Casey, was killed in Baghdad. She
says she and her family met privately with Mr. Bush two months later,
and she is sharply critical of how the president acted. He did not
know her son's name, she says, acted as if the meeting was a party and
called her "Mom" throughout, which she considered disrespectful.

    Ms. Sheehan has traveled from her California home to Crawford,
where Mr. Bush will be spending much of the month, in the hope of
having a more substantive discussion. On Saturday, Mr. Bush's national
security adviser and the White House deputy chief of staff met with
her beside a road a few miles from the ranch, but she is still
insisting on a meeting with the president.

    Even many Americans who do not share her views about the president
- she arrived in a bus bearing the slogan "Impeachment Tour" - share
her concerns about his war leadership. President Bush has refused to
ask the nation to sacrifice in any way, so the sacrifice gap has never
been greater. A few families, like Ms. Sheehan's, have paid the
ultimate price. Many more, including National Guard families, are
bearing enormous burdens, struggling to get by while a parent, a child
or a spouse serves in Iraq. But the rest of the nation is spending its
tax cuts and guzzling gas as if there were no war.

    Mr. Bush obviously failed to comfort Ms. Sheehan when he met with
her and her family. More important, he has not helped the nation give
fallen soldiers like Casey Sheehan the honor they deserve. The
administration seems reluctant to have the president take part in
events that would direct widespread attention to soldiers' funerals or
to the thousands who have returned with serious injuries.

    Perhaps most troubling, Mr. Bush is not leveling about where
things stand with the war. He continues to stay on message, as he did
with the platitude he offered last week: "We will stay the course; we
will complete the job in Iraq." The public knows that things in Iraq
are not going well on any number of levels, and deserves a fuller,
more honest discussion led by the commander in chief.

    Just 38 percent of the respondents in a recent Associated
Press-Ipsos poll, a new low, approved of Mr. Bush's handling of Iraq.
That does not mean the remaining 62 percent agree with Ms. Sheehan
that the troops should come home immediately. But it does mean that
many Americans are with her, at least figuratively, at that dusty
roadside in Crawford, expecting better answers.




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