Cloak and machete

Feb 23rd 2006 | BOGOTÁ
>From The Economist print edition


The disturbing political muscle of the right-wing paramilitaries


 

AP 

Surrendering his arms, but not his influence

TEARS rolled down the faces of Rocío Árias and Eleonora Pineda, two
congresswomen who openly support the country's right-wing paramilitary
groups, as they announced their expulsion from Colombia Democrática, one of
President Álvaro Uribe's main supporting parties. They felt baffled and
betrayed, they said. They need not have worried. Like half a dozen other
candidates ousted from big-party lists for alleged links with the
paramilitaries, they were soon snapped up by lower-profile pro-Uribe parties
to stand in the legislative elections on March 12th. 

The two women accuse America of being behind their ejection. Its embassy in
Bogotá had threatened to revoke the visa of Mario Uribe, Colombia
Democrática's leader and the president's cousin, unless he removed them from
his list, they say. In a carefully worded statement, the American State
Department insisted that it had not “instructed” its embassy “to intervene
in the selection of candidates”. But Colombians remain unconvinced. 

There are two main groups of armed militias in Colombia, the left-wing FARC
rebels and the pro-government United Self Defence Forces (AUC), commonly
known simply as the paramilitaries. Both have committed the most appalling
atrocities. Paramilitary influence in Colombian politics is not new. After
the 2002 election, Salvatore Mancuso, the AUC's leader, proudly announced
that the paramilitaries now “controlled” 35% of Congress. While this was
almost certainly an inflated estimate of their influence, it may reach that
level in the next parliament.

When the present campaign began, several demobilised AUC leaders sought to
launch their own candidacies. Ernesto Báez, a legendary AUC figure, even
suggested that the government reserve two special seats for them. More than
22,000 paramilitaries have already laid down their arms in exchange for a
government promise of reduced sentences for those guilty of the most serious
crimes. But until the entire AUC has been demobilised, all paramilitaries
are barred from politics.

This has not stopped the AUC from continuing to work behind the scenes.
Mauricio Romero, one analyst, says that the paramilitaries have never played
such an important role in an election; nor have the stakes for them ever
been so high. The next Congress is likely to be asked to outlaw extradition
to the United States, where nine of the AUC's leaders are wanted on
drug-trafficking offences. It will also have to flesh out the details of the
government's peace pact with the paramilitaries. The Justice and Peace law,
which still has to be approved by the Constitutional Court, is facing dozens
of legal challenges and may have to be radically amended.

An accurate measurement of paramilitary influence in Colombian politics is
not easy. Claudia López, a Colombian journalist, tried to gauge the extent
of their infiltration by studying atypical voting patterns in the last
election. In areas where the AUC had consolidated its power through
massacres, she found that political newcomers often won by overwhelming
landslides. It may not constitute proof, she admits, but it does suggest a
disturbing trend. 

 



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