February 24 / 25, 2007
Blowback in French Politics
The African Card
By KEN COUESBOUC
http://www.counterp <http://www.counterpunch.org/couesbouc02242007.html>
unch.org/couesbouc02242007.html

Under the pretext that French citizens are equal before the law, 
there are no official statistics concerning their national or ethnic 
origins, nor their religious beliefs. These are considered private 
matters which should not be quantified. However, extrapolations 
suggest that between 5 per cent and 10 per cent of the French 
population are naturalized, or second, third, fourth generation 
immigrants from France's lost colonial empire. Denial of their 
existence as a minority has helped to hide underhand neocolonial 
meddling and profiteering by successive French governments and 
corporate companies. And, at a time when regional folklore and 
particularities have been generously encouraged, this denial has also 
turned them away from participation in the political process. This is 
changing and has reached a stage where their votes could decide the 
result of the two rounds presidential election, to be held in April 
and May.

Colonial immigration to France has been going on for over a century, 
but it was no more than a trickle until independence was granted. The 
last to achieve this, after eight years of liberation struggle, was 
Algeria in 1962. Algeria was France's closest colony geographically, 
since Algiers is just 600 nautical miles across the Mediterranean 
from Marseille. And constitutionally it was close too, as it had 
almost the same status as did the metropolitan regional 
administrations. Europeans, mostly from France and Spain, had full 
civil rights and parliamentary representation, as did "natives" of 
Jewish faith, while "natives" of Muslim faith, nine tenth of the 
population, were only allowed a statutory representation by their 
tribal elders. This meant that, for the "French Muslims" who had 
joined the Free French Forces in 1942 and had fought in Italy, 
liberated France and occupied Germany, returning home meant 
reassuming a second class citizenship. Many refused and used their 
veteran know-how to organize the National Liberation Army.

Algeria was a part of France but Algeria was in practice segregated. 
When, after eight years of counterinsurgency by up to half a million 
mostly conscript troops, independence was brokered in Evian and a 
million Europeans left Algeria for France, they brought their racial 
and political prejudices with them, and these prejudices duly became 
those of a majority of metropolitan French, as the number of 
immigrant workers from Algeria increased significantly. (To a lesser 
degree, this increase also concerned workers coming from Morocco and 
Tunisia and, lesser still, from the twelve countries which used to 
make up French West Africa. And, lesser again, from ex-Indochina. 
Chinese immigration has only become significant since the 90's.)

The 60's were boom years for the developed world and France was no 
exception. Factories, multilane highways and building sites were 
going up all around the main cities, along with a huge demand for 
cheap labor. The new government of independent Algeria agreed to send 
young rural males to France, according to the needs of France's 
economic growth. This commerce in human beings helped keep down the 
salaries of French workers and weakened trade unions, which were 
unable to cope with this influx of unqualified and often illiterate 
labor.

By the early 70's, the mostly male immigrant population from Algeria 
and other African nations was at an all time high. Most of them were 
living in sordid conditions, dormitories and jerrybuilt huts, and 
sending all they could save back home to their families. But they had 
also acquired skills and, when the flow of non-European immigrants 
was stopped in 1974, it was deemed necessary that they should stay. 
Suddenly, public opinion discovered their plight. Literacy classes 
were organized, they were encouraged to naturalize themselves and it 
was made easier for their wives and children to join them in France.

All this time, Algerian workers in France had stayed as invisible as 
they had been under colonial rule. As they moved their families into 
aging apartment blocks on the outskirts of towns, these peripheral 
neighborhoods were abandoned by their French working class tenants 
and the invisibility was maintained. These are the "banlieues" , 
where riot police face petrol bombs, where cars burn, where rumored 
arms caches are never found. But this is now. And another and more 
recent piece of the puzzle may help to explain how it came about.

Algerian immigrants had learnt how not to be seen the hard way. Many 
had experienced the "ratonades", pogroms organized by the police, the 
military and even civilians, in France as well as in Algeria during 
the war of liberation and the segregation that followed. But their 
children had not shared this experience, nor had those immigrants 
coming from West Africa, their neighbors and their school friends.

Algeria was only pacified in the 1870's, Morocco in the 1920's. This 
is recent history of bloodshed and mass murder, reinforced by the 
contemporary violence of the insurgency, 1954-1962. West Africa had 
endured five centuries of European exactions, but no actual war and 
few uprisings since the end of the slave trade. 

North Africa has a population which is part Berber, probable 
descendants of the Numids conquered by Marius, and part Arab, since 
the 8th century. North Africans have an ancient written culture and a 
religion (Islam) of their own. West Africans have, to a great extent, 
lost their even more ancient Neolithic and Iron Age oral cultures and 
beliefs.

Almost all Europeans had fled independent Algeria, which meant that 
both sides kept in mind the old colonial relationship. In the 
independent West African countries, the European presence increased 
on the basis of peer group cooperation in health, education, security 
and defense.

North Africans have an identity which has sustained them in adversity 
and which they are loath to discard. West Africans have little to 
loose, with so few competing traditions on the path to being French.

Left to themselves, the North Africans in France might have developed 
a ghetto existence. It could not have happened to the West Africans, 
who have no strong common identity to fall back on.

Post-colonial France has brought together the inhabitants of two 
different worlds and submitted them to the same social exclusion. 
This could have set them in opposition to each other but, as their 
children mixed at school, it turned out that they complemented each 
other, in sport, music and stand-up comedy, where the self-
deprecating humor of the North Africans is offset by that of the West 
Africans who, without compunction, joke about the colored and white 
society they live in. For the more traditional and older members, 
Islam has been a unifying force, as it is practiced far beyond the 
Sahara, to the banks of the river Niger.

This interaction took place out of sight, in the no-go zones on the 
edge of cities, and suddenly bust forth in the 90's with marching and 
riots. Sport celebrities, variety artists and token representatives 
of varying darkness of skin were solicited by parties right across 
the political spectrum. Integration was on everybody's lips. Special 
development and government aids to community organizations and to 
anyone able to offer a few jobs were promised, reduced and finally 
withdrawn.

Twelve years on, things are back where they started and, what with 
new clandestine arrivals, have probably worsened. Unemployment is 
higher than elsewhere, especially among the under 35's, for whom 
opportunities are slim, living where they live and looking, speaking 
and dressing the way they do. French society at large remains as 
closed as ever, comforted by the ambient idea that terror is Muslim. 
In November 2005, the accidental death of two adolescents during a 
police round-up sparked off street fighting in nearly all 
the "banlieues". A policy of law and order was imposed, which 
resulted in overcrowded prisons and a relative calm. Promises were 
made and the nation debated the pros and cons of positive action "à 
l'Américaine". which somehow got translated as "discrimination 
positive", which is full of innuendoes. In a country where women have 
claimed and gained such rights over the past thirty years, was it 
constitutional?

However, French society is not impermeable to the strangers in its 
midst. Countless are those who have moved from the dilapidated 
neighborhoods where they were brought up and joined the middle class. 
For obvious reasons and because they have justly taken advantage of 
measures concerning their sex, it has been less difficult for women. 
But what seems apparent is that the members of this socially mobile 
group have maintained their communal ties and have realized the 
importance of militant action and of demonstrating who they are and 
who they can be.

In the coming contest for the presidency and for a majority in the 
National Assembly, this political activity should show its first 
concrete results. The Center Left (Ségolène Royal) is as usual 
working at wining votes on their right. So far, they haven't shown 
any sign of recognizing this budding political force. This could be 
risky as the Center Right (François Bayrou), fishing for leftist 
votes, might have a greater appeal. Either way, the new government 
which results from the vote can't go on ignoring the new minority, 
which has constructed itself and which needs take its place among the 
Bretons and the Basques, the Savoyards, the Alsatians, the Normans, 
etc.

If it refuses change, French society will find itself following the 
path of extremism. And, though the choice seems nowhere as clear as 
in France, most other developed countries are in a similar situation. 
With respect to the developing world, the French have not always been 
exemplary. The electoral campaign which is starting should show what 
the example is to be this time.

Ken Couesbouc can be reached at kencouesbouc@
<mailto:kencouesbouc%40yahoo.fr> yahoo.fr



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