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From: CodeTen7 [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
Sent: Sunday, July 09, 2006 10:01 AM
To: ##BRUCE##
Subject: Have leaks crippled war on terrorism?


http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/columnists/chi-0607090393jul09,1,1759071.
column?coll=chi-news-col
 

Have leaks crippled war on terrorism?



Published July 9, 2006


When The New York Times published a story about a secret government program
to find terrorists by monitoring financial transactions, conservatives
responded as if the paper had given Osama bin Laden the keys to a missile
silo.

The story, asserted President Bush, "does great harm to the United States of
America." Vice President Dick Cheney said the Times and other newspapers
"have made the job of defending against further terrorist attacks more
difficult." Rep. Peter King (R-N.Y.) said the Times' decision was
"treasonous."

This is not the first case of the news media supposedly sabotaging the war
on terrorism. That charge was heard after The Washington Post uncovered the
CIA's detention of purported Al Qaeda operatives in secret prisons in
Europe. When the Times revealed the National Security Agency's effort to
track phone calls between Americans and people overseas suspected of
terrorist ties, critics urged its prosecution under the Espionage Act.

The administration thinks it's an outrage that newspapers made these
disclosures. So here's a question: Why didn't someone stop them? The
government had plenty of advance notice the leaks were coming. Editors at
the Times and the Post both conferred with officials who tried to dissuade
them, and the Times held off publishing the NSA story for a year.

What could the government have done?

Simple: It could have gone to court and asked a federal judge to forbid the
newspapers to publish. It could have done so without making public what the
stories were about. Instead, it protested ineffectually--and then allowed
something it says weakened our defenses.

The assumption is that the administration had no choice. The last time the
government tried to stop the publication of secret information was in the
1971 Pentagon Papers case. After the Times and the Post published articles
about a classified report on U.S. policy in the Vietnam War, the Nixon
administration requested a court injunction to block any additional
stories--and got it. But the Supreme Court shortly ruled otherwise,
permitting the stories to run.

That decision is often taken to mean the government may never impose "prior
restraint"--barring press organs from publishing (rather than, say,
punishing them after they've done it). In fact, the real basis for the
decision was that the Pentagon Papers didn't reveal any critical secrets.

Under some conditions, the court said, it would permit advance censorship.
If national security truly had hung in the balance, the Nixon administration
almost certainly would have won the case.

Justices Potter Stewart and Byron White, authors of the crucial opinion,
indicated they would be ready to prevent the disclosure of national security
information that "will surely result in direct, immediate and irreparable
damage to our nation or its people." Conservatives on the court were even
more open to suppressing military secrets. Even William Brennan, a fabled
champion of the 1st Amendment, said he would allow suppression of a wartime
story equivalent to "the publication of the sailing dates or the number and
location of troops."

According to the news media's critics, these stories are just that bad.
Unlike the Pentagon Papers, which discussed events that were years-old by
the time of publication, the revelations dealt with current
intelligence-gathering methods during wartime. Plenty of people insist they
jeopardize American lives by giving terrorists vital tips on how to evade
detection.

But were the stories really damaging? It's no secret to terrorists that the
U.S. government tries to keep tabs on their telephone calls and bank
transactions.

Does the administration actually believe its own accusations? If it saw a
grave danger in letting this information out, after all, it could have acted
preemptively to keep it from ever seeing print. Though there was no
guarantee of success, it had nothing to lose by trying.

True, that would have sparked a flurry of outrage. But since when is Bush
scared of being criticized by the press or civil libertarians?

The president has a solemn duty to protect the nation from attack.

His decision not to ask a court to block these disclosures suggests one of
two things. The first is that he knowingly exposed Americans to a danger he
might have averted. The second--and more likely--is that he knew the
revelations wouldn't actually compromise our security.

It's one thing for Bush to claim the stories did great harm. It's another
for the administration to do what a court would have required: Prove it.




[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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