"No one disputes that the real criminals at Guantanamo should be
brought to justice. But now we have proof that most of the prisoners
are guilty only of bad luck and that we are casually destroying their
lives."
"most of the detainees are not Afghans and that most were not picked
up on the battlefield in Afghanistan. The vast majority were instead
captured in Pakistan. Seventy-five of the 132 men are not accused of
taking part in hostilities against the United States. The data
suggests that maybe 80 percent of these detainees were never al-Qaida
members, and many were never even Taliban foot soldiers."
"A Yemeni accused of being a Bin Laden bodyguard eventually "admitted"
to having seen Bin Laden five times: "Three times on Al Jazeera and
twice on Yemeni news." His file: "Detainee admitted to knowing Osama
Bin Laden."
"most are accused of "associating with terrorists" based on having met
with unnamed individuals, used a guesthouse, owned a Casio watch, or
wearing olive drab clothing. Thirty-nine percent possessed a
Kalashnikov rifle—almost as fashionable in that part of the world as a
Casio. Many were affiliated with groups not on the Department of
Homeland Security's Terrorist watch list."
(UN investigators)"They declined to visit the camp itself when they
were told they'd be forbidden to meet with the prisoners. Their
41-page document concludes that the government is violating numerous
human rights—including the ban on torture and arbitrary detention and
the right to a fair trial."
"The only real justification for the continued disgrace that is
Guantanamo is that the government refuses to admit it's made a
mistake....Last week, and with little fanfare, seven more detainees
were let go. That brings the total number of releasees to 180, with 76
transferred to the custody of other countries. Are these men who are
quietly released the "best of the worst"? No. According to the
National Journal one detainee, an Australian fundamentalist Muslim,
admitted to training several of the 9/11 hijackers and intended to
hijack a plane himself. He was released to his home government last
year. A Briton said to have targeted 33 Jewish organizations in New
York City is similarly gone. Neither faces charges at home."


Meanwhile, CICBush43 and his bush league gang move to approve a
state-owned company from UAE to manage six U.S. ports.  Not that we
have great port security, on which only a paltry $560 MILLION has been
spent since 9/11 (airport security has gotten $18 BILLION), and most
ports do not yet have a completed security risk assessment or
comprehensive protection plan.  Nor does DHS have a final,
comprehensive national plan for protection of the ports
infrastructure.  And, while a lot of luckless contry bumpkins rot in
Guantanemo, we let a trainer of 9/11 terrorists go home with no
charges?  Somebody is covering up mistakes and misdeeds, NOT doing
their job, trampling the Constitution and rule of law, and WE are at
RISK!  Another day in Bushland...


David Bier


http://www.slate.com/id/2136422/

jurisprudence

Invisible Men

The not-people we're not holding at Guantanamo Bay.

By Dahlia Lithwick

Posted Thursday, Feb. 16, 2006, at 3:22 PM ET

It's an immutable rule of journalism that when you unearth three
instances of a phenomenon, you've got a story. So, you might think
three major reports on Guantanamo Bay, all released within a span of
two weeks, might constitute a big story. But somehow they do not.

Guantanamo Bay currently holds over 400 prisoners. The Bush
administration has repeatedly described these men as "the worst of the
worst." (http://www-tech.mit.edu/V124/N4/long_4.4w.html) Ten have been
formally charged with crimes and will someday face military tribunals.
The rest wait to learn what they have done wrong. Two major studies
conclude that most of them have done very little wrong. A third says
they are being tortured while they wait.

No one disputes that the real criminals at Guantanamo should be
brought to justice. But now we have proof that most of the prisoners
are guilty only of bad luck and that we are casually destroying their
lives. The first report was written by Corine Hegland and published
two weeks ago in the National Journal. 
(http://nationaljournal.com/about/njweekly/stories/2006/0203nj2.htm)
Hegland scrutinized the court documents of 132 prisoners—approximately
one-quarter of the detainees—who have filed habeas corpus petitions,
as well as the redacted transcripts of the hearings that 314 prisoners
have received in appearing before military Combatant Status Review
Tribunals—the preliminary screening process that is supposed to
ascertain whether they are "enemy combatants," as the Bush
administration claims. Hegland's exhaustive review concludes that most
of the detainees are not Afghans and that most were not picked up on
the battlefield in Afghanistan. The vast majority were instead
captured in Pakistan. Seventy-five of the 132 men are not accused of
taking part in hostilities against the United States. The data
suggests that maybe 80 percent of these detainees were never al-Qaida
members, and many were never even Taliban foot soldiers.

Most detainees are being held for the crime of having "associated"
with the Taliban or al-Qaida—often in the most attenuated way,
including having known or lived with people assumed to be Taliban, or
worked for charities with some ties to al-Qaida. Some had "combat"
experience that seems to have consisted solely of being hit by U.S.
bombs. Most were not picked up by U.S. forces but handed over to our
military by Afghan warlords in exchange for enormous bounties and
political payback.

But weren't they all proved guilty of something at their status review
hearings? Calling these proceedings "hearings" does violence to that
word. Detainees are assumed guilty until proven innocent, provided no
lawyers, and never told what the evidence against them consists of.
That evidence, according to another report by Hegland, 
(http://nationaljournal.com/about/njweekly/stories/2006/0203nj4.htm)
often consists of little beyond admissions or accusations by other
detainees that follow hundreds of hours of interrogations. (A single
prisoner at Guantanamo, following repeated interrogation, accused over
60 of his fellow inmates—or more than 10 percent of the prison's
population. Some of his accounts are factual impossibilities.) Another
detainee "confessed" following an interminable interrogation,
shouting: "Fine, you got me; I'm a terrorist." When the government
tried to list this as a confession, his own interrogators were forced
to break the outrageous game of telephone and explain it as sarcasm. A
Yemeni accused of being a Bin Laden bodyguard eventually "admitted" to
having seen Bin Laden five times: "Three times on Al Jazeera and twice
on Yemeni news." His file: "Detainee admitted to knowing Osama Bin Laden."

Mark Denbeaux, who teaches law at Seton Hall University in New Jersey,
and attorney Joshua Denbeaux published a second report 
(http://law.shu.edu/news/guantanamo_report_final_2_08_06.pdf) several
days after Hegland. They represent two detainees. Their data on the
evidence amassed against the entire detainee population jibes with
Hegland's. They evaluated written determinations produced by the
government for the Combatant Status Review Tribunals; in other words,
the government's best case against the prisoners, in the government's
own words.

The Seton Hall study found that 55 percent of the detainees are not
suspected of having committed any hostile acts against the United
States and that 40 percent of the detainees are not affiliated with
al-Qaida. Eight percent are listed as having fought for a terrorist
group, and 60 percent are merely accused of being "associated with"
terrorists—the lowest categorization available. They confirm that 86
percent were captured either by the Northern Alliance or by Pakistan
"at a time in which the United States offered large bounties for
capture of suspected enemies." They quote a flier, distributed in
Afghanistan at the time of the sweeps that reads: "Get wealth and
power beyond your dreams ... You can receive millions of dollars
helping the anti-Taliban forces catch Al Qaida and Taliban murderers.
This is enough money to take care of your family, your tribe, your
village for the rest of your life. Pay for livestock and doctors and
school books."

While some of the evidence against the detainees appears damning—11
percent are said to have "met with Bin Laden" (I suppose that includes
the guy who saw him on TV)—most are accused of "associating with
terrorists" based on having met with unnamed individuals, used a
guesthouse, owned a Casio watch, or wearing olive drab clothing.
Thirty-nine percent possessed a Kalashnikov rifle—almost as
fashionable in that part of the world as a Casio. Many were affiliated
with groups not on the Department of Homeland Security's Terrorist
watch list.

The third report was released today by the U.N. Commission on Human
Rights. 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/02/16/AR2006021600531.html)
Five rapporteurs spent 18 months investigating conditions at
Guantanamo, based on information provided by released detainees or
family members, lawyers, and Defense Department documents. The
investigators were not scrutinizing charges. They were assessing
humanitarian conditions. They declined to visit the camp itself when
they were told they'd be forbidden to meet with the prisoners. Their
41-page document concludes that the government is violating numerous
human rights—including the ban on torture and arbitrary detention and
the right to a fair trial. The investigators were particularly
bothered by reports of violent force-feeding of hunger-strikers and
interrogation techniques including prolonged solitary confinement;
exposure to extreme temperatures, noise, and light; and forced
shaving. It concludes: "The United States government should close the
Guantanamo Bay detention facilities without further delay" and
recommends the detainees be released or tried.

And why doesn't the government want to put these prisoners on trial?
The administration has claimed that it needs these men for their
intelligence value; to interrogate them about further 9/11-like plots.
But as Hegland reports, by the fall of 2002 it was already common
knowledge in the government that "fewer than 10 percent of
Guantanamo's prisoners were high-value terrorist operatives,"
according to Michael Scheuer, who headed the agency's Bin Laden unit
from 1999 until he resigned in 2004. Three years later, the
government's own documents reveal that hundreds of hours of ruthless
questioning have produced only the quasi-comic, quasi-tragic spectacle
of weary prisoners beginning to finger one another.

The government's final argument is that we are keeping them from
rejoining the war against us, (http://www.slate.com/id/2108634/) a war
that has no end. But that is the most disingenuous claim of all: If
any hardened anti-American zealots leave Guantanamo, they will be of
our own creation. Nothing will radicalize a man faster than years of
imprisonment based on unfounded charges; that's why Abu Ghraib has
become the world's foremost crime school. 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/02/16/AR2006021600531.html)
A random sweep of any 500 men in the Middle East right now might turn
up dozens sporting olive drab and Casio watches, and dozens more who
fiercely hate the United States. Do we propose to detain them all
indefinitely and without charges?

The only real justification for the continued disgrace that is
Guantanamo is that the government refuses to admit it's made a
mistake. Releasing hundreds of prisoners after holding them for four
years without charges would be big news. Better, a Guantanamo at which
nothing has happened in four years. Better to drain the camp slowly,
releasing handfuls of prisoners at a time. Last week, and with little
fanfare, seven more detainees were let go. That brings the total
number of releasees to 180, with 76 transferred to the custody of
other countries. Are these men who are quietly released the "best of
the worst"? No. According to the National Journal one detainee, an
Australian fundamentalist Muslim, admitted to training several of the
9/11 hijackers and intended to hijack a plane himself. He was released
to his home government last year. A Briton said to have targeted 33
Jewish organizations in New York City is similarly gone. Neither faces
charges at home.

Guantanamo represents a spectacular failure of every branch of
government. Congress is willing to pass a bill stripping courts of
habeas-corpus jurisdiction for detainees but unwilling to probe what
happens to them. The Supreme Court's decision in Rasul v. Bush 
(http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?court=us&vol=000&invol=03-334)
conferred seemingly theoretical rights enforceable in theoretical
courtrooms. The right to challenge a government detention is older
than this country and yet Guantanamo grinds on.

It grinds on because the Bush administration gets exactly what it pays
for in that lease: Guantanamo is a not-place. It's neither America nor
Cuba. It is peopled by people without names who face no charges.
Non-people facing non-trials to defend non-charges are not a story.
They are a headache. No wonder the prisoners went on hunger strikes.
Not-eating, ironically enough, is the only way they could try to
become real to us.

Dahlia Lithwick is a Slate senior editor.

Article URL: http://www.slate.com/id/2136422/

Photograph of prisoners at Guantanamo Bay by Roberto Schmidt/Agence
France-Presse/Getty Images.
http://img.slate.com/media/1/123125/123087/2133667/2135239/060216_juris_GUANTANAMOtn.jpg

Related in Slate

Neal Katyal asks why we aren't using the courts-martial system at
Guantanamo (http://www.slate.com/id/2106406/) and Philip Carter
explains why the Combat Status Review Tribunals 
(http://www.slate.com/id/2104715/) are a poor substitute. 

Emily Bazelon described the Senate's efforts to strip the courts of
jurisdiction over Guantanamo detainees. (http://www.slate.com/id/2130320/)

Dahlia Lithwick questioned the clarity of the Supreme Court's
Guantanamo decision and covered oral argument in that case.
(http://www.slate.com/id/2113003/)

Dahlia Lithwick is a Slate senior editor.





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