http://www.opednews.com/articles/opedne_kevin_ze_070517_bush_heats_up_iran_r
.htm

How Congress Can Stop Bush From Attacking Iran 

by Jonathan Schwarz
Mother Jones
May/June 2007 Issue

Gauging the Bush administration's true intentions toward Iran is not easy.
Each week brings a new story that hints at a struggle between the hardliners
who'd like to take down one more point on the Axis of Evil and the realists
who prefer one disastrous Middle East conflict at a time. Given the
administration's track record, uncoordinated and sporadic attempts by
members of Congress to prevent an attack on Iran will restrain it no more
than would cobwebs. Yet Congress does possess the power to stop a war-if it
chooses to exercise it. If we wake up one morning to find cruise missiles
flying, the responsibility will not be Bush's alone. It will also belong to
a Democratic-controlled Congress that could have acted but decided not to.

What, then, would a serious congressional strategy to block a war with Iran
look like? Constitutional scholars and congressional staff agree there's no
one magic answer. The alarming truth is that 220 years after the adoption of
the Constitution, there are few settled answers about what legal powers the
executive branch possesses to start a war. But there are several steps
Congress could take to make a war with Iran politically very difficult for
the White House.

Unfortunately, the Constitution isn't much help here. It does state that
Congress alone has the ability to declare war, but precedent, inertia, and
technology have eroded this power almost to naught. (In the age of
intercontinental ballistic missiles, the commander in chief can launch an
apocalyptic nuclear strike without so much as a courtesy call to the speaker
of the House.) The 1973 War Powers Act requires the president to "consult"
Congress before launching military action; if he doesn't receive further
authorization, he must cease operations within 60 days. But this leaves the
door wide open for all sorts of attacks-a massive bombing campaign could
certainly be carried out within two months. Bill Clinton arguably breached
the War Powers Act during his 78-day Kosovo bombing campaign, without
consequences.

The limiting factor on a determined president, then, is not whether an
attack is legal. Rather, it is how high a political cost he's willing to
pay. Just because Bush can launch an attack on Iran in the absence of
congressional action does not mean he can legally do so in contravention of
congressional action. If Congress specifically forbids Bush from attacking
Iran, and he does so anyway, it would precipitate a political crisis.
Fortunately, Congress has some powerful tools at its disposal. Here's what
it could do:

Cut Off Funding
Congress' biggest constitutional bargaining chip is the power of the purse.
It could send an extremely strong message by stipulating in future
supplemental defense appropriations bills that none of that money could be
spent on attacking Iran. Freshman Sen. James Webb (D-Va.) tried to add such
a restriction to the $93 billion in supplemental appropriations that went
before Congress earlier this year. There is an inexact precedent for this in
the 1982 Boland Amendment, which prohibited U.S. intelligence agencies from
covertly spending money to overthrow the Sandinistas in Nicaragua. The
Reagan administration's attempts to circumvent this law became the genesis
of the Iran-Contra scandal.

The Bush administration might well claim such a requirement was an
unconstitutional infringement on the president's authority to defend the
country and the troops from Iranian "meddling" in Iraq, and proceed with an
attack on Tehran anyway. To prevent this, Congress could make such a funding
prohibition "non-severable" from the rest of the appropriations bill. This
means that if the president ignored that particular section of the bill, the
entire bill would become inoperative. Congress also could prohibit Bush from
using any other funds to attack Iran, essentially challenging the
administration to blatantly violate federal law.

Close the Loopholes
Both of the Authorizations to Use Military Force (aumfs) passed by
Congress-in September 2001 for Afghanistan, and October 2002 for
Iraq-contain language that might conceivably be used to justify an attack on
Iran. The 2001 aumf authorized the president to use force not just against
the perpetrators of 9/11 but also against anyone who "harbored such
organizations or persons." After the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan, Iran
arrested several senior members of Al Qaeda. Though they are apparently
being held as bargaining chips with the United States, someone could argue
that Iran is in fact "harboring" them.

Attacking Iran under the 2002 AUMF, which gave the president power to defend
against "the continuing threat posed by Iraq," is even more of a reach. But
squaring that kind of circle is what executive branch lawyers are for. As a
former Bush administration official told me, "If I had to make the case for
war with Iran, I would definitely look to the 2002 authorization. So that's
one loophole Congress would want to nail shut." Congress would be prudent to
rewrite both AUMFs to explicitly exclude action against Iran.

Get Good Intel
There's already been some congressional push-back on the administration's
murky claims that Iran is behind attacks on American troops in Iraq. That is
a start, but ongoing, aggressive oversight of how the White House is using
intelligence about Iran is critical.

The most recent National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) on Iran's nuclear
capability, completed in 2005, judged that Tehran could not build a nuclear
bomb much earlier than 2015. A new NIE is near completion but may be held up
by the administration, because its findings will likely echo those of the
2005 NIE and should reflect the CIA's reported inability to find conclusive
evidence of any Iranian nuclear weapons program.

So, despite what the Bush administration says, there's plenty of time to
strategize. The congressional intelligence committees should demand that the
new NIE be finished, and then hold high-profile hearings on its findings,
with witnesses explaining why there's no cause for panic. Congress could
also commission an nie that examines the possible consequences of an
American attack on Iran. Its findings would likely dampen war fever.

Don't Get Fooled Again
We now know that in early 2002, President Bush authorized the CIA to smuggle
exiles into Iraq, where they would announce a coup, forcing Saddam to attack
them in violation of the southern no-fly zone, and providing the United
States with a pretext to invade. This plot was never executed, but it raises
questions about whether the administration might be planning a similar
provocation against Iran. According to The New Yorker's Seymour Hersh, the
White House is running clandestine operations in Iran without the legally
mandated congressional oversight. Vice President Cheney and his staff are
reportedly avoiding oversight requirements by running the operations through
the Pentagon rather than the CIA and using Saudi funding rather than money
appropriated by Congress.

Congress must immediately demand answers about what the administration is
doing now in Iran. Only a coordinated congressional effort can uncover the
truth and help Americans understand how they could be bamboozled into yet
another war.

Of course, the unfortunate reality is that without public pressure, the
Democratic leadership is unlikely to take most or even some of these
actions. It doesn't help that Democratic presidential candidates have been
echoing the administration's refrain that "all options are on the table"
regarding Iran. If the Democrats continue to sit tight as the White House
decides its next move, the administration will have won the first battle of
the next war without firing a single shot.

 



[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



--------------------------
Want to discuss this topic?  Head on over to our discussion list, [EMAIL 
PROTECTED]
--------------------------
Brooks Isoldi, editor
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

http://www.intellnet.org

  Post message: osint@yahoogroups.com
  Subscribe:    [EMAIL PROTECTED]
  Unsubscribe:  [EMAIL PROTECTED]


*** FAIR USE NOTICE. This message contains copyrighted material whose use has 
not been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. OSINT, as a part of 
The Intelligence Network, is making it available without profit to OSINT 
YahooGroups members who have expressed a prior interest in receiving the 
included information in their efforts to advance the understanding of 
intelligence and law enforcement organizations, their activities, methods, 
techniques, human rights, civil liberties, social justice and other 
intelligence related issues, for non-profit research and educational purposes 
only. We believe that this constitutes a 'fair use' of the copyrighted material 
as provided for in section 107 of the U.S. Copyright Law. If you wish to use 
this copyrighted material for purposes of your own that go beyond 'fair use,' 
you must obtain permission from the copyright owner.
For more information go to:
http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/17/107.shtml 
Yahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/osint/

<*> Your email settings:
    Individual Email | Traditional

<*> To change settings online go to:
    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/osint/join
    (Yahoo! ID required)

<*> To change settings via email:
    mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
    mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
    [EMAIL PROTECTED]

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
    http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/
 

Reply via email to