"Hamas, as its leaders say out loud, will not bow to sanctions, which
makes the prospect of an Israeli military operation to unseat them
more probable than the efficacy of sanctions."
"...because admitting to an improvised joint scheme for regime change
in Ramallah would imply the bankruptcy of their former two-step
strategy of Israel's disengagement from the Gaza Strip followed by a
Palestinian election. Neither Washington to Jerusalem is prepared to
admit to that linkage, while the Bush administration is faced with an
awkward contradiction: critics note a serious discrepancy between the
US president's overriding goal to bring democracy to the Middle East
and the new plan for unseating a democratically-elected government."


http://www.debka.com/article.php?aid=1143

Pinning Dubious Hopes for a Hamas Ouster on Sanctions and Abu Mazen

DEBKAfile Special Analysis

February 14, 2006, 5:06 PM (GMT+02:00)

The United States and Israel are working on ways to destabilize the
Hamas-led Palestinian government, the New York Times reported Tuesday,
Feb. 14. The plan is said to center largely on money and on Mahmoud
Abbas playing his part.

The Palestinian Authority payroll amounts to $100 m per month. Israel
will withhold its regular $50-55 million a month in collected revenues
and place the money in escrow, creating a large cash deficit. The US
and Europe will follow suit. In other words, the US, Europe and Israel
propose to impose economic sanctions against the Palestinian
Authority, even before putting them in place against Iran.

This strategy is intended to starve the new PA of money for basics,
such as food and medicines, and deny it international connections.
Mahmoud Abbas will then be compelled by a Palestinian population,
which The New York Times says will be unhappy with the new regime and
disappointed in its expectation of a better life, to dissolve the new
legislature and call a new election. The electorate will then return
his Fatah to power.

It all depends on Abbas' sticking to his guns and fundamental policies
which include negotiations with Israel towards a two-state solution.

Senior Israeli officials were quick to deny the New York Times report
– not the concept of sanctions but the claim of Israel-US cooperation
for dictating to the Palestinians how they should be ruled. They are
wary on this point, because admitting to an improvised joint scheme
for regime change in Ramallah would imply the bankruptcy of their
former two-step strategy of Israel's disengagement from the Gaza Strip
followed by a Palestinian election. Neither Washington to Jerusalem is
prepared to admit to that linkage, while the Bush administration is
faced with an awkward contradiction: critics note a serious
discrepancy between the US president's overriding goal to bring
democracy to the Middle East and the new plan for unseating a
democratically-elected government.

Monday, Feb 13, Abu Mazen took the first step to bring the new plan to
fruition. He took advantage of the last session of the outgoing
legislative council to enact constitutional laws and approve
appointments that boost his powers as president. He appropriated the
authority to appoint a new constitutional court of nine judges that
can veto legislation deemed contrary to basic laws and dissolve
parliament.

Tuesday, Feb. 14, the Olmert government took a complementary step.

The state prosecution filed a Supreme Court document defining
Palestinians as citizens of an enemy state. This was in response to
petitions to extend Israeli citizenship to the Palestinian spouses of
Israeli Arabs. The state attached some statistics to support its
contention: 10% of 60,000 Palestinian security personnel engage
directly in terrorism, while 15% are members of terrorist organizations.

Supreme Court justice Michael Heshin overruled the petitions and
accepted the state's argument. He defined the Palestinian Authority
"an enemy state de facto." The petitions, he said, must not be allowed
to use Israel's family reunification law as a loophole for posing a
hazard to national security

"Just listen to daily declarations by Hamas," he said. The Palestinian
people elected Hamas which seeks to destroy Israel and that makes them
citizens of an enemy state." He asked why Israel should take risks
with Israeli lives, any more than England and America did when it came
to admitting Germans in the Second World War.

DEBKAfile's counter-terror sources note that this step makes history:
it took six years of active Palestinian warfare for an Israeli
government agency to designate the Palestinian Authority an enemy of
the Jewish state. The prosecution would not have taken this step
without direction from the highest level of government, acting prime
minister Ehud Olmert and foreign minister Tzipi Livni, who is also
justice minister.

Here, then, was the initial groundwork in place for sanctions. So what
next?

See Feb. 13 article: What did Israel's acting PM Olmert mean by "new
rules for a Hamas Authority"? 
http://www.debka.com/headline.php?hid=1896

The next steps must be examined in the light of two criteria:

Past experience:

The sanctions applied against the Saddam Hussein regime in Iraq.

They proved ineffectual and the United States ultimately went to war
to oust his Baath regime in Baghdad. Hamas, as its leaders say out
loud, will not bow to sanctions, which makes the prospect of an
Israeli military operation to unseat them more probable than the
efficacy of sanctions.

The facts on the ground:

Limited US sanctions have been in effect against the Bashar Assad
regime in Damascus. Yet he is still firmly in place. Furthermore, for
economic and military sanctions against a Hamas government, Washington
and Jerusalem need the support of additional governments. 

Destabilizing Hamas therefore poses four big questions:

1. Will Abu Mazen play along? On past performance regarding the road
map's requirement to dismantle terrorist organizations, he tends to
pay lip service then backtrack. He is therefore a slender reed for the
US-Israeli strategy to lean on.

2. Will sanctions act as a boomerang? To be effective, they cannot
just pinpoint Hamas but must cause pain to the Palestinian people at
large and undermine the very ruling system and security apparatus
which sustain Abu Mazen's domain. A clever method will have to be
found to channel funds to Abu Mazen and his support structures without
any leaking to Hamas. That too is a poser.

3. How will Moscow treat the strategy for destabilizing a Hamas
government? That question is wide open after Russian president
Vladimir Putin invited its leaders for a visit. Abbas too is known to
have a special relationship with Russian leaders.

4. Hamas is already rounding up alternative sources of cash, and not
only in Tehran and Damascus; Riyadh will not let itself be outdone by
the ayatollahs in financially supporting a Sunni group in power. The
New York Times believes that this was taken into account by American
policy-makers and their answer was pat: "it is hard to move millions
of dollars in suitcases."

According to DEBKAfile's counter-terror sources, tens of millions of
dollars are transferred day by day in and out of the Middle East and
Persian Gulf in suitcases, including cash transfers from al Qaeda to
insurgents in Iraq.

No one in Jerusalem or Washington will have forgotten how the Israeli
troop withdrawal and the international accords in its wake threw open
the Rafah terminal to illicit, unsupervised smuggling of terrorists,
weapons and money between Egypt and the Gaza Strip. Only last week,
improved Katyusha rockets were "imported" freely by Abu Mazen's own
Fatah al Aqsa Brigades. So why not suitcases full of money?

The only way to stop this traffic is at the Egyptian end, if Cairo can
be persuaded to finally do its part. The same permeable border
situation prevails between Jordan, Syria and the West Bank. The Bush
administration, up against daunting difficulties of Iran's nuclear
defiance, in Lebanon, where Hizballah remains fully armed, and in
Syria, where the Hariri assassination's masterminds are still at large
a year on, must now address the very real threat to regional stability
posed by the Palestinian Hamas. 





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