"The revelations have hurt the NSA's morale because "this is an 
extremely deceptive program," Bamford said. 
"Only a few people were told about it," he said. "Everyone else in 
the agency went around telling people that they don't spy on 
Americans. Around their back, they find out that the director has 
authorized that." 

"There's a lot of discomfort about the renditions," as the practice 
is called, said one of the officials. "History shows that we pay the 
price for doing what the White House tells us to do." 
"The officials said that morale in the CIA's Operations Directorate, 
the spy service, is plummeting and that some senior officials are 
leaving or planning to leave and others have declined to take 
assignments."


One wonders about the Constitutional credentials and personal 
credibility of the members of Congress who were briefed on at least 
parts of these two programs AND DID NOTHING!

David Bier

http://www.realcities.com/mld/krwashington/13476243.htm

Posted on Fri, Dec. 23, 2005  
 
Some fear eavesdropping could undermine work of spy agency

By Warren P. Strobel and Jonathan S. Landay
Knight Ridder Newspapers


WASHINGTON - The White House decision to order surveillance of 
international phone calls by U.S. citizens without a warrant violated 
longstanding practices and could undermine a key U.S. intelligence 
agency that's critical in the struggle against terrorists, former 
senior intelligence officials and other experts said this week. 


The super-secret National Security Agency, which eavesdropped on the 
Soviet Union's leaders and scored other intelligence coups during the 
Cold War, has spent three decades recovering from domestic spying 
scandals in the 1970s. 


Now, with its electronic ears and vast computer banks turned 
primarily to intercepting suspecting terrorists, the officials said 
they fear that the NSA once again will bear the brunt of 
congressional scrutiny and public outrage, complicating its mission. 


"The damage it's done to NSA's reputation is almost irreversible in 
my view," said a longtime top intelligence official with intimate 
knowledge of the agency's workings. 


Those concerns are part of a broader backlash in the intelligence 
community against some of the Bush administration's tactics in the 
war on terror. 


Bush, Vice President Dick Cheney and others argued that the president 
has wartime powers to establish military tribunals, hold detainees, 
use harsh interrogation techniques and conduct domestic surveillance. 


But a growing number of current and former intelligence officers 
argue that these tactics have backfired and left the nation's spy 
agencies troubled and vulnerable to charges of abuse. 


The officials said that morale in the CIA's Operations Directorate, 
the spy service, is plummeting and that some senior officials are 
leaving or planning to leave and others have declined to take 
assignments. 


Some clandestine service officers, they said, are especially 
concerned that a political and public backlash against a secret White 
House directive that authorized the CIA to apprehend suspected 
terrorists in foreign countries and jail them in secret overseas 
prisons or send them to third countries for interrogation could 
damage the agency in much the same way that the spy scandals of the 
1970s did. 


"There's a lot of discomfort about the renditions," as the practice 
is called, said one of the officials. "History shows that we pay the 
price for doing what the White House tells us to do." The official 
and others quoted in this story spoke on condition of anonymity 
because they fear reprisal for criticism. 


The NSA, based in Fort Meade, Md., is the nation's largest 
intelligence agency, with more money and people than the CIA. Part of 
the Defense Department, it intercepts, decodes and analyzes phone 
calls, e-mails, faxes and other communications, searching for 
terrorist plots, weapons deals, drug trafficking and other threats. 
It also supports combat operations in wartime. 


Counterterrorism officials said it's played an invaluable role in 
battling al-Qaida and related groups, because intercepting their 
communications is often the only way to pre-empt them. 


In the public - and Hollywood's - mind, the agency is often seen as 
an ominous Big Brother, an image best epitomized by the 1998 Will 
Smith movie "Enemy of the State." 


The reality, former officials and NSA experts said, is far different. 
Under a 1978 law called the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, 
elaborate procedures were put in place to ensure that the agency 
doesn't routinely spy on Americans. 


In April, then-NSA Director Gen. Michael V. Hayden assured the Senate 
Intelligence Committee that the NSA is "the most aggressive agency in 
the intelligence community when it comes to protecting privacy." 


Hayden, now the deputy director of national intelligence, defended 
Bush's warrant-less monitoring order during a White House briefing 
Monday. He was unavailable for further comment, his spokeswoman said. 
The NSA also declined comment. 


But the former top officials said the recently revealed program, 
which sidestepped a secret court, violated longtime agency practices. 
Those were established after the revelation of the NSA's earlier 
abuses in operations code-named Minaret and Shamrock. 


After the 1978 law was passed, the NSA issued an internal directive 
known as U.S. Signals Intelligence Directive 18, barring agency 
employees from eavesdropping on Americans in the United States, with 
few exceptions. 


NSA employees are required to re-read the document every six months 
and sign a form stating that they've done so. 


"As a Signals Intelligence (SIGINT) officer, it is continually 
drilled into us that the very first law chiseled in the SIGINT 
equivalent of the Ten Commandments is that `Thou shall not spy on 
American persons without a court order from FISA,'" said former NSA 
analyst Russell Tice. 


If the NSA inadvertently intercepts the communications of a U.S. 
citizen or communications that mention a U.S. citizen, they are 
supposed to be destroyed. There are a handful of exceptions. 


Intercepts of U.S. citizens that aren't destroyed go into a special 
database - code-named "Body Surf" - and the real names are masked, 
available only to a handful of people. 


Bush, Hayden and Attorney General Alberto Gonzales have defended the 
program to eavesdrop on calls without warrants, saying it involves 
only individuals suspected of associating with terrorist groups, 
lasts for a short time and is regularly reviewed. 


The former officials and experts said that while the revelations so 
far come nowhere near the abuse of a generation ago, they fear that 
the public taint will be the same. 


Former NSA Director Bobby Ray Inman, who helped push through the 1978 
FISA law, said he worried that the agency is being unfairly tarred, 
with a "huge" impact on morale. 


"They only act in accordance with law, and an executive order is 
law," Inman said, referring to the order Bush signed permitting 
warrant-less domestic surveillance. But he added: "Frankly, my 
experience over the years is that politicians don't worry about" the 
impact of their actions on intelligence agencies' morale. 


"I've talked to a number of people over there since this came out ... 
and there is none of them that are happy about this and many who are 
upset," said author James Bamford, whose book "Puzzle Palace" was the 
first in-depth look at the NSA. 


The revelations have hurt the NSA's morale because "this is an 
extremely deceptive program," Bamford said. 


"Only a few people were told about it," he said. "Everyone else in 
the agency went around telling people that they don't spy on 
Americans. Around their back, they find out that the director has 
authorized that." 


John Walcott contributed. 
 






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