"...a spokesman for Asari's militant faction, the Niger Delta People's
Volunteer Service, said more attacks were certain if the government
and oil companies didn't address people's concerns.
"If the Nigerian government thinks this is all a joke," Onegiya
Erekosima said, "I cannot predict what will happen tomorrow." 
"If down the line there are a few more attacks, you can go from 10 to
20 percent off in a matter of days," said Sebastian Spio-Garbrah, a
West Africa analyst with the Eurasia Group. "Thirty percent is not
entirely unlikely."
"If that were to happen, it would send shock waves through a world oil
market that's already stretched by rapidly rising demand and fears
that Iran will cut oil exports because of global condemnation of its
nuclear program. Nigeria is the world's eighth-biggest oil exporter
and the fifth-biggest supplier to the United States."


Nigeria oil production drops could push oil to over $75 a barrel.
Nigeria, coupled with an inevitable conflict between the U.S. and
Iran, would translate here to oil over $100 a barrel...possibly even
up to $150 a barrel with gasoline climbing into the $4 a gallon range.
Yes sir, it is definitely going to be a difficult Global War on
Terror, or as the Pentagon now calls it: The Long War.  Had CICBush43
actually focused on winning the GWOT by completely pacifying
Afghanistan, the Taliban and al-Qaeda as he was required, and limited
to doing, by the Congressional 9/11 resolution, the U.S. would have
had thousands of troops there on the Iranian border, free to heavily
pressure that "Axis of Evil" member into giving up its nuclear
program.  Instead, he invaded Iraq which was zero threat and did not
(according to the 9/11 Commission) support the al-Qaeda attack on the
U.S. Now, we have an entire field army bottled up in the Iraq quagmire
with Persian Gulf supply lines, and the troops themselves, vulnerable
to Iran blockade or even attack. And CICBush43 with little real
leverage or ability to pressure Iran, with its mostly underground
bunkered nuclear program, to do anything...except hate.
Better plan your driving for efficiency and get ready for lower home
thermostat settings here in Bushworld.
 
David Bier

http://www.realcities.com/mld/krwashington/news/world/13786888.htm

Posted on Fri, Feb. 03, 2006

Unrest in Nigeria's Delta region could fuel rise in oil prices

By Shashank Bengali
Knight Ridder Newspapers

PORT HARCOURT, Nigeria - The militia commander wanted to be very
clear: January's attacks on Western oil companies in Nigeria's
crude-rich Delta region - including one in which four Westerners were
held hostage for 19 days - were only the beginning.

"Trust me," he said by phone from a hideout somewhere in the Delta's
maze of creeks, "by the end of this month you will see serious action."

An idle threat? In the swampy Delta, home to some of the world's most
productive oil fields but also to millions of people living in extreme
poverty, no one is willing to say so.

Anger at the lack of access to oil wealth long has fueled militant
attacks in Nigeria's main oil-producing region, but January saw the
worst spate of violence in several years. Oil companies withdrew
hundreds of employees from the region during the well-orchestrated
campaign of robberies, pipeline explosions and kidnappings, which cut
Nigeria's daily production of 2.4 million barrels by 10 percent.

The primary target was the Anglo-Dutch giant Royal Dutch Shell, which
controls nearly half of Nigeria's output. Company officials said half
the reduced production had been restored.

But the militant group that claimed responsibility for January's
campaign is promising that February will be worse. In a phone
interview Friday, a man who identified himself as one of the
commanders of the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta
repeated threats to throw off Nigeria's oil production by 30 percent
this month.

If that were to happen, it would send shock waves through a world oil
market that's already stretched by rapidly rising demand and fears
that Iran will cut oil exports because of global condemnation of its
nuclear program. Nigeria is the world's eighth-biggest oil exporter
and the fifth-biggest supplier to the United States.

The commander declined to be identified, citing security. But people
who are acquainted with the militants, who have sympathizers
throughout Port Harcourt, vouched for his position.

Analysts said it wouldn't take much to sink Nigeria's production well
below last month's 10 percent shortfall.

"If down the line there are a few more attacks, you can go from 10 to
20 percent off in a matter of days," said Sebastian Spio-Garbrah, a
West Africa analyst with the Eurasia Group. "Thirty percent is not
entirely unlikely."

The militants, said to number in the tens of thousands, have amassed
more automatic weaponry than government soldiers. They hide in the
labyrinthine creeks and backwaters of the Delta, where the Niger River
empties into the Gulf of Guinea and the Atlantic Ocean, and prey on
oil companies' far-flung machinery and crisscrossing pipelines.

They have the support of residents throughout the region, who've long
agitated for greater control of its staggering oil wealth. While oil
companies and Nigerian officials reap huge sums, villagers in the
Delta eke out pre-modern existences as farmers and fishermen.

By law, Nigeria's states keep 13 percent of the revenues from oil
that's produced locally. That's pumped the annual budget of Rivers,
the leading oil-producing state, to $1.2 billion, a fourfold increase
from two years ago.

But little of that wealth is apparent in Port Harcourt, the state
capital, where most adults are unemployed, there's no piped water,
power goes out regularly, trash piles up and the roads are a disaster.

Opposition groups accuse state and federal government officials of
pocketing $400 billion in public money over the past four decades and
buying lavish mansions, private jets and homes overseas. Many
officials employ armed gangs that steal oil directly from pipelines,
earning millions of dollars on the black market.

State officials didn't return calls seeking comment. Shell officials
wouldn't comment on specifics, but Shell's Nigeria director, Basil
Omiyi, acknowledged in the company's 2004 annual report that the
people of the Niger Delta "live with the impacts of oil and gas
production - but, despite the efforts of government and companies, see
few of the benefits."

After years of mostly nonviolent protest, public outrage is
sharpening. In September, authorities arrested a prominent militia
leader, Mujahid Dokubo Asari, and charged him with treason for
repeated threats to fight a war of secession against the federal
government.

Last month's attacks reportedly were the work of members of Asari's
ethnic group, the Ijaw, who analysts think are jockeying for position
in his absence.

Spio-Garbrah said the January attacks were more sophisticated because
they sabotaged production and included political demands. The
kidnappers wanted Asari's release and $1.5 billion in payments to
Bayelsa state, another leading oil-producing region, to address
environmental damage - although they released the hostages without
these demands being met.

"The language they're using is not the language of stupid or
illiterate people," said Anyakwee Nsirimovu, the executive director of
the Institute of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law in Port Harcourt.
It's a sign that the "armed struggle" - to use one of Asari's favorite
phrases - is becoming more serious.

"The people carrying guns are the minority," Nsirimovu said, "but they
are playing on the frustrations of people all over the delta."

Most of those frustrations lie with the government's failure to police
the oil industry rather than with companies such as Shell, which has
tried to improve its image after a 2003 internal report concluded that
it was partly to blame for the region's conflicts. But Shell is an
obvious target.

Even in the territory of the Ogoni tribe, which Shell personnel
abandoned in 1993 in the face of nonviolent opposition from villagers,
little has improved since the company left. Its pipelines still run
through Ogoniland, and occasional ruptures lead to oil spills.

In the Ogoni fishing village of Goi, about 50 miles east of Port
Harcourt, a spill from a Shell-owned pipeline in September 2004 flowed
into the lake and decimated the fish. The spilled crude subsequently
caught fire, burning down nearly all the village's mango trees.

There's been no attempt to clean up the spill. Murky brown crude still
sits atop the lake, where naked children like to swim.

"They are used to it," said Joseph Gini, 45, a sinewy fisherman.

"We are still suffering," he said. "The people you call politicians
are stooges. They make empty promises, and then they take money from
oil and carry it away."

Spilled oil can run into creeks, spoiling drinking water. And farmers
say that heavy construction has compacted the once-soft dirt, making
it hard to grow even hardy crops such as cassava, a regional staple.

Oil companies continue to flare, or burn off, huge quantities of
natural gas, which comes up in drilling for crude oil but is less
valuable. Plumes of black smoke fill the sky across the Delta, causing
air pollution and acid rain.

The Nigerian government has ordered flaring to cease by 2008, but
Shell already has said it'll miss that target. To residents, it's just
another example of how politicians can't - or won't - rein in the
industry's abuses.

Although he said he opposed the recent violence, a spokesman for
Asari's militant faction, the Niger Delta People's Volunteer Service,
said more attacks were certain if the government and oil companies
didn't address people's concerns.

"If the Nigerian government thinks this is all a joke," Onegiya
Erekosima said, "I cannot predict what will happen tomorrow." 





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