Politically Marikana and entire Platinum industrial areas had become a
highly contested political terrain by various AMCU and political movements
since the 2012 protest and massacre of 34 mineworkers. And after many years
of poorly attended May day rallies, it was very impressive and encouraging
to witness NACTU's 2013  MAY day success  achieved through AMCU as a host
affiliate. The membership numeric growth of AMCU signifies what shop floor
based mobilization of workers sustained through workers' determination to
fulfil immediate demands of workers to grow a trade union and a trade union
federation such as NACTU. Commonly May Day rallies serve to strengthen
workers' unity and solidarity, thus federations will mobilise workers
through trade unions across all industries as pivotal so as to inject the
spirit workers' solidarity against the rising unemployment, cost of living
and retrenchment. 

AMCU's ability and success to mobilise the mass of workers must be commended
as its dominance remain undisputed, but the general attendance by other
NACTU affiliates at the MAY day held in Marikana at Wonderkop stadium was
generally disappointing, and this exposes the scarcity of required
leadership and organizational capabilities in NACTU to mobilise and organise
workers across all industries. The absence of NACTU affiliates that has a
significant membership such as MEWUSA, SACWU, PEU, MWASA, NPSWU and
Hotellica with banners and t-shirts  was vocal. AMCU did not dominate the
MAY Day Rally it was the only trade union affiliate of NACTU. Evidently
NACTU leadership had dismally failed to organise the entire industrial and
public sector workers on a common and basic principle of working class unity
and solidarity. In the last three years NACTU lost majority of its official
and closed all provincial and regional offices consequently, NACTU lacks the
required operational capability to drive campaign and basic administration.
One is just wondering what is happening to hard earned workers subscriptions
that they pay to NACTU. Demise of NACTU including absence of a clear PAC
strategy to galvanise workers and trade unions requires full and urgent
attention. 

The membership numeric growth of AMCU obviously translates to some form of
financial injection in terms of monthly subscriptions for both AMCU and
NACTU. However such gains do not necessary translate to political and
organisational for NACTU in terms of organisational capability for
mobilisation of workers and influencing public policy discourse based on the
working class constructed political agenda. The recent particularly the May
Day event exposes NACTU's organisational weaknesses and limitations. NACTU's
loss of key official such as Mahlomola Skhosana (former Deputy Secretary
General, Siphiwo Ganca (Labour Market Analyst), Brenda Modise (Gender
Coordinator), Moemedi Keapadisa (National Education Coordinator), Provincial
Coordinators and other administrative staff NACTU's resulted to current
state whereat NACTU lacks organisational capabilities to drive strategy and
influence public policy defending and advancing the interests of workers.
The high membership of AMCU does not necessary translate to immediate and
long terms organisational gains for NACTU in terms of shaping public policy
and influencing decision making in NEDLAC, Presidential Task Teams and other
public institutions.  The General Secretary of NACTU will he rise to demand
of resolving the ailing and limping NACTU when he also holds two equally
demanding same position in the BCAWU and PAC, logic and common sense dictate
that two of the three formations namely PAC, NACTU and BCAWU will suffer
from non-delivery from the office of the Secretary General. NACTU's office
of the Secretary General similar to a determine and thoughtful political
party or trade union is a daunting task which requires a full time official
to focus on driving operationalization of the organisational strategy to
achieve the desired impact on national public policy discourse, one wonders
of the injustice that will arise from a man holding three demanding
positions, evidently someone is been taken for a ride. 

NACTU and particularly AMCU will only thrive if there is a deliberate
strategy focused on future levels of trade unionism noting the low
membership numbers among young workers. The bargaining power of trade unions
in times of high unemployment, combined with the new structure of workplace
organisations and the predominance of small organisations, has been severely
eroded and worsened by trade union leadership holding shares in companies
thus sharing a common interests with the same capitalist exploitative class.
AMCU should build shop floor capabilities among shop stewards so to
effectively intervene to protect the members against unfair dismissals and
stop retrenchments. This is particularly true for mining and manufacturing
industries, where retrenchments are commonplace, and the levels of job
insecurity are particularly high. 

The question is, is NACTU and AMCU fundamentally different from the existing
trade unions ravaged by labour aristocracy and trade union leadership
collusion with capital and the neo-colonial system? AMCU's and its
leadership should not be a case of one labour aristocracy replacing the
other, being NUM? History shall answer that question very soon But also PAC
members and structures should beging taking interests of the labour movement
such as NACTU, AMCU, MWASA, BCAWU, MEWUSA and many others. Trade unions do
not only serve as training grounds for workers, they equally possess the
political potential to link itself with party and community based struggles,
including sharpening class contradictions and heightening political class
consciousness of the African workers. NACTU's growth and its rise, is
depended on it being freed from the labour aristocracy which has a
stranglehold on the federation suffocating any form of progressive and
revolutionary socialist ideas of organisation and mobilisation of workers
against the neo-colonial state and capitalism.  For AMCU to sustain its
militancy will be depended upon political and ideological orientation of its
leadership, shop-stewards and the entire membership. It is not enough to
mobilise workers around wage increment, workers since 1994 poor service
delivery and rising cost of living continued to demand that the trade unions
pronounce around policy matters such as the thrown around flexible labour
market system as envisaged by capitalist and the neo-colonial state, the
South African structural political economic system which defined the country
as a supplier of raw material and cheap labour and poor service delivery in
rural areas and townships compounded by the rising cost of living. There has
been either a deliberate silence from trade union leadership including
throwing dust into the eyes of the most downtrodden and exploited African
workers when trade unions leaders organises a one day  protest march and
throw bucket full of rhetoric and fictitious militancy. South African trade
unions, worse of all NACTU and most of its affiliates have become a genuine
capitalist buffer system to contain and depoliticize African workers using
phrases such as political independence. 

Today's challenge requires new organisational forms, new alliances and new
strategies. there has been a loss of ideological support for unions since
South Africa became a democratic society. South Africa has a two-tiered
economy; it is both a developed country with good infrastructure, but also a
country with huge social and economic problems associated with a developing
country  uneven distribution of wealth and income.  Practices such as
subcontracting, outsourcing and the hiring of temporary and part-time
workers, long considered as atypical employment, are becoming more common,
especially at the lower end of the labour market. The apolitical position
dubbed political independence  of NACTU has not only rendered NACTU
irrelevant, it has furthermore made NACTU to betray the African workers'
class' interest for the repossession of land and nationalisation of the
mines, agriculture and industries. NACTU should also advance abolishment of
the slave wage system which perpetuates the servitude living conditions
among workers, NACTU should focus on mobilising workers and communities
along equitable distribution of wealth can be achieved only when mines and
other commanding heights of the economy are under direct control and
management of workers and communities.

South Africa has 32 903 million working age group, with the labour force
reported by Statistic SA to be 17 9 million with only 13 4 million people
employed, and the combination of the those classified as unemployed
reported 4.5 million plus those unemployed classified as "Not economically
active" reported as 14.7 million implies the total estimate of unemployed
people in the country is 19. 3 million as per the quarterly labour force
survey. Arising from this empirical data it implies unemployed in South
Africa as at June 2012 stood at  59% and proportionally represents 0.76%
while COSATU is 15.7% factually therefore membership density of NACTU is
negligible in regard to its effect. And there is 10 million unorganised
workers in the country, it cannot be disputed that there is significant mass
of industrial workers, with high levels of inequality and poverty these mass
of workers requires activism for mobilisation and organisation. COSATU has
an estimated 1.8-million in 2007 to 2.07-million in 2011, while NACTU total
membership lingers around (less than) 100 000 dispersed all over the
country. COSATU , evidently the task and challenge for NACTU Central
Committee and ist affiliates is greater that thought.   

The significance of numerical strength in terms of membership base is it
serves as a collective strength and also give the organisation a collective
bargaining strength including when pursuing socio-economic protests.  A
higher membership density also serves as a political weapon to exert
pressure on the state and also for mobilising members of the communities
thus the organisation will be taken seriously when it expresses or voices
its policy positions or demands. 

Worth to state that for those down play the significance or are failing to
understand the content of the modern class struggle and the role of the
working class as the leading force of the socialist revolution leading to
total liberation and unification of Africa. It worth to state that the
African working class and peasants who constitutes the majority of our
population are the only revolutionary class capable to face and overthrow
the capitalist class including its appendage neocolonialism. Marx in the
Communist Manifesto alluded that: "Of all the classes that stand face to
face with the bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is a really
revolutionary class. The other classes decay and finally disappear in the
face of modern industry, the proletariat is its special and essential
product."  Every activity of this class was therefore, is important for the
PAC-activity in which the class got consciousness to move forward. The
formation and existence of trade unions and the trade union movement are
important steps in the formation of a solid class, a common
class-consciousness. The superior organisation- the political party of the
working class could not be formed and expanded in isolation from this
practical struggle involving the large mass of workers. That is why the
statutes of the International Working Men's Association provided for
affiliation of trade unions and other organisations of the working class,
along with individual membership. The PAC at its coming conference should
place as a matter of strategic necessity the party's role and interests on
trade union movement particularly NACTU including defining and describing
the type of trade unions party members and cadres should be build and
deploy. It is not given as matters stands today that NACTU is in alliance or
politically supports PAC or Pan Africanism! 

Shango lashu

 

Nkrumah Raymond Kgagudi

074 922 6361

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