On two recent topics: eliminating states/state taxes entirely, and whether
flat taxes are progressive: 

1) I have long felt that competition among states is destructive and stupid,
and in general I support the notion of federalizing taxes.  This would not be
without some cost and risk, however.  One cost would be losing those
progressive experiments that some states sometimes undertake.  I think that
progressives are so used to the horror stories about the Texas Schoolbook
Commission and California's current insanities that we forget that there are
some good things done by states.  Personally, however, I'm willing to give
that up, since I think that the net impact of differential state taxation is
overwhelmingly bad. 

There would also be genuine concern about loss of local control and a risk of
local circumvention.  At the most petty level, does elimination of state and
local taxation mean that people can't have a bake sale for the local high
school band?  Probably not; but what if the upper-income neighborhoods start
pushing the limits of that exception by, for example, selling T-shirts for
$1000 each?  Enforcement of this could be messier than we think; but, as I
say, I'm willing to risk it. 

The bigger risk is what happens if the entire federal government is taken
over by right-wing nuts?  OK, this is not an "if" at all; and if Phil Gramm
wins the next Presidential election, the takeover would be complete.  At that
point, if there are no states (effectively speaking, at least), there is
nothing that can be done for at least two years.  I'm much more worried about
that risk. 

2) Yes, flat taxes can be structured in such a way that they are more
progressive than the current system.  However, having a flat tax that tops
out at 17% means that no one will EVER pay more than 17% in taxes (since the
progressivity would be achieved by creating effective tax rates below and
approaching 17%).  Moreover, the current flat tax schemes would only tax
income from labor, but they do not tax an individual's income from interest,
dividends, etc. (on the grounds of the old red herring about "double
taxation"); so they are even more loaded to favor the wealthy. 

Finally, there is no reason why you have to accept a flat rate in order to
eliminate most of the wealthy-friendly loopholes.  You can eliminate the
loopholes AND have a progressive rate structure--which is exactly what
Gephardt's plan does.  (I'm not a shill for Gephardt; it's just that his plan
happens to be pretty good.)

For those who might argue that incremental improvements are all we can hope
for, I fear that the incremental improvement from the current system to a
more-effectively-progressive flat tax system is not worth it, since it would
accept the logic of flatness; and re-introducing progressive rate structures
would then be much more politically difficult.  A judgment call, to be sure;
but I strongly suspect that this would be the case. 

Neil H. Buchanan

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