A late addition to the Dollarization thread. There have been a number 
of suggestions recently that New Zealand should adopt Australia's or 
the US dollar. The government is apparently looking at it seriously. 
There is a Treasury working paper on it, called "Economic Integration 
and Monetary Union", available at 

http://www.treasury.govt.nz/workingpapers

As well as containing some references that might be of use (not being 
an economist I'm not sure), it gives a fascinating insight into the 
dehumanised view of a New Zealand Treasury official. I give a couple 
of quotes below, but here is how he deals with the likelihood of 
depopulation of New Zealand as it loses higher paid jobs to Sydney 
and Melbourne:

    (Footnote) 28 The distinction between residents and citizens is
    important. Even if people remaining in New Zealand were worse
    off after closer integration, it would not necessarily be a
    disadvantage to all New Zealanders, as some will migrate to take
    advantage of the higher wages in the benefiting regions.

The author also fails to analyse New Zealand previous experience 
of a fixed currency: until about 1932, New Zealand's currency was 
fixed to the Pound Sterling. 

Bill Rosenberg


From: TREASURY WORKING PAPER
99/6
Economic Integration and Monetary Union
Andrew Coleman

p.14-15

In the last decade, a large literature has emerged analysing the
effects of increased economic integration on the spatial
distribution of employment and output. This literature has
demonstrated that even if a country promotes greater
international integration to reduce home bias, increase trade,
and increase specialisation, the benefits of integration will
not necessarily flow to residents remaining in the country.
Rather, a region can decline following increased integration
with another region either because of a migration of resources
from one region to another, or because of the detrimental effect
of increased competition on local firms.26 For this reason,
while policy makers have generally viewed measures taken to
enhance integration as a "good thing", some caveats should be
noted. Most of the literature examining this issue has been
based upon models of industries with increasing returns to scale
operating under conditions of imperfect competition. These
models suggest that such industries will limit production to a
few locations, because of economies of scale, and that these
locations will be in regions with the best market access such as
large cities. Wages in these regions will be high, and these
regions will become net exporters of goods subject to increasing
returns. When transaction costs fall, new and existing firms may
choose a new location. There are two countervailing forces
affecting where firms choose to locate. As transactions costs
fall from high levels to intermediate levels, the benefits of
increasing returns to scale dominate, leading to a shift to
regions with better market access (the core). As they fall
further, these costs cease to matter as much and the
disadvantages of high wages in the centre offset the returns to
scale and some firms relocate back to the periphery.
Consequently, at some stages of a decline in transaction costs
it is possible that the periphery region will lose high paying
jobs to the core region. The evidence on these theories is
mixed. Krugman (1993) argues that the lower transaction costs
and higher labour mobility in the USA compared to Europe is
reflected in the greater regional concentration and
specialisation of manufacturing industries. Other authors
analysing the manufacturing and agriculture sectors have
supported this observation, but it does not appear to be true
for all industries. Labour market mobility appears to be a
crucial factor, because if people are mobile they are more
likely to migrate out of a region with low employment than
companies and jobs are likely to migrate in, speeding up forces
favouring large agglomerations.

The New Zealand economy is more integrated with the Australian
economy than any other, and it is reasonable to consider cities
such as Sydney or Melbourne as the local "core", and smaller
cities such as Brisbane, Auckland or New Plymouth as the
periphery, particularly as international evidence suggests that
large cities tend to be more productive than small cities
(Ciccone and Hall, 1996). 27 Decreases in transactions costs
already cause a relocation of economic activity around New
Zealand, and between New Zealand and the rest of the world, and
there is no reason to believe that increasing economic
integration further would be any different. Some New Zealand
industries would move overseas, and some overseas industries
would move to New Zealand. In general, policy makers in New
Zealand have proceeded as if falling transaction costs and lower
barriers to trade will be good for New Zealand residents, not
bad.28 29 In the absence of research demonstrating that closer
integration will be detrimental to New Zealand, the assumption
that closer integration is beneficial to New Zealand has been
maintained in this paper.

Footnote 28 states:

28 The distinction between residents and citizens is important.
Even if people remaining in New Zealand were worse off after
closer integration, it would not necessarily be a disadvantage
to all New Zealanders, as some will migrate to take advantage of
the higher wages in the benefiting regions.

----
The following paragraph from the final "discussion and summary"
(p.30) seems to me to be an unusually frank admission that
current policies have been a failure. 

New Zealand is the smallest OECD country to have a fully
independent monetary policy. To continue to justify this stance
on an economic basis, there should be evidence that monetary
independence has been beneficial -- or, at least, of little
cost. Over the last eight years, New Zealand has enjoyed very
low rates of inflation, although its record is not dissimilar to
that of most other OECD countries. Despite this low inflation,
however, real short term interest rates have been higher than in
our main trading partners; the New Zealand economy has not been
noticeably more stable than other OECD economies; and trade
volumes have grown only slowly despite having a trade share
substantially below that of almost all other small OECD
economies. While the counterfactual is not available, there
should be no presumption from these outcomes that monetary
independence should be the natural option for the New Zealand
economy.



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