It really sort of breaks my heart to see Michael P ask, for the second
or third time, a question that ought not to be arising here at all. 
Well, I'm just a tolerated pseudonymous, non-economist lurker myself,
but below I repeat the forwarding I posted a few days back, which is
on approximately the same wave length.
Some otherwise long-forgotten prof of mine used to say "If you can't 
tell it, you never had it."  I don't think the slime-mold propagandists
of the right are shirking the telling these tumultuous days.
                                                                  valis

      -----------------------------------------------------------

====>Yesterday a citizen of the parallel world called psn-l 
     posted the following, which has, I feel, more than a tad
     of applicability here and now.  A number of words (and 1 phrase)
     were framed thus: o-circumflex________o-umlaut, the residue of
     some extraterrestrial non-ascii system, and I substituted quotes
     in each case.  If in doubt, as I am to some extent, you can ask
     Prof White what sort of accentuation he really intended.
                                                                   valis


Date: Tue, 11 Aug 1998 12:35:33 -0500
From: William White <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: PROGRESSIVE SOCIOLOGISTS NETWORK <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: The Irresponsibility of Pure Ideological Thinking

Let me take the dialogue in a different but related direction.

First, we are intellectual, academic sociologists.  I believe we have 
a better than average understanding of the forces that make up societies 
and the individuals that live under them.  Yet, it continues to amaze me 
that many of us can be purely ideological in our thinking without 
considering the practical difficulties of setting up what I consider 
a progressive, humanistic, non-capitalist based society.  Though I see  
a progressive society as my own personal vision of a better society, 
I cannot disregard the difficulty in attaining it.

With that said, let me ask this first question.  How do we build 
the "better society" without capitalism?  This is a real concern for me 
since I truly believe that the economic forces are in place that will 
challenge capitalism as we know it today.  The ripple effects of 
the Asian collapse will, in my opinion, lead to a much deeper gouge 
in the western capitalist world than mere "recessions."  Are we truly 
expecting, in an ideological sense, the "masses" to rise up against 
the capitalists, given that working people will experience the economic 
slump more severely than the upper .5% of society?  If the organizations 
are not in place to take advantage of this situation, let alone not 
developed enough to express publicly an ideology of working class
solidarity that is "marketable," then I fear we will experience 
an incredible chaos of social proportions perhaps similar 
to fascist Germany.

Second question:  in the transition from socialism (if we even make it 
that far) to communism, must we not include capitalist incentive programs 
to "reward" productivity among workers, if not merely for the mental
"transitional" health of the workers who only know the world from 
a capitalistic perspective?  How will workers "work" for the common 
or community good if they have no knowledge (or trust) of how this system 
"theoretically" can work to their benefit?  Also, unless there is 
a wholesale global elimination of capitalism as an economic structure, 
how will a socialist/communist society economically interact with 
capitalist societies?  In what I consider the "best" of the socialist 
states to emerge (and remain somewhat intact), even Cuba experienced
this transitional problem with its working class.  The Cuban problem has 
become even more complex and compromised after the fall of 
the Soviet Union.

Third question:  consider what social psychological and conflict 
sociological theories (among others) add to this hypothetical dilemma.  
How do you rid a "new" society, across all social strata, of the inherent 
self-interests that individuals and groups possess in any given society?  
First, how do you rid powerful groups (with access to capital, or access 
to bureaucratic power, or access to military power) of their power, 
and second, how do you safeguard against new groups who will gain power 
from monopolizing it, given inherent self-interests in society?  I know 
that I am making the strong assumption here that self-interest is 
a powerful force, but given the centuries of capitalist ideology and 
practice in the world, it is difficult for me to envision an easy
transition from individual self-interest to a shared community perspective.

These are troubling questions for me, for I do want to see a more 
progressive society emerge at some point in time. I think we can 
ideologically "wish" for a better society to come forth, but it will not 
magically appear because the workers, overnight, see they have a common 
interest in rising up against the ruling class.  Even if they see they 
have common interests, their own self-interests may only create 
a new ruling class based on capitalist assumptions.

If we are truly serious about changing society, and not just engaging 
in philosophical debates on the inherent injustices within capitalist 
social systems, then we must acknowledge the political, sociological, 
psychological, and economic mechanisms that exist to maintain the current 
social system.  I believe that capitalist incentive programs for workers 
will still need to be a part of the transitional strategy towards 
a socialist world.  Worker and group self-interest will continue to be 
a stumbling block once a transition is in place.  Getting to this economic 
social transition will take a significant amount of work organizing around 
an agenda that seeks change but is in a language that workers can 
understand.  For me, these are the significantly difficult steps before us.  
To promote an ideology of common interest among workers is a positive first 
step towards this transition.  To not consider the power of self-interest 
in this dialogue, though, can be catastrophic.

It is good that we can engage in this ideological dialogue among ourselves
here.  But if we aren't willing to think the whole process out and consider 
social forces that will get in the way of any progressive social
transformation, then we are merely pontificating among ourselves.

William Sakamoto White
 University of South Alabama
[EMAIL PROTECTED]





Reply via email to