----- Original Message -----
From: "asianhistory" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: "malele dodia" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Sent: Wednesday, June 27, 2001 1:50 PM
Subject: [marxist] "Disciplining" Democracy Africa/Zambia


> At 14:05 27-6-01 +0200, "malele dodia" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
>
> >For your interest since this particular publication refers to the Zambian
> >Case.  Public Sector workers strike into its second month as you probably
know.
>
> Best wishes to all! I will forward this interesting article
>
> >Hope all well otherwise.
> >Best as always
> >Malele
> >----------------------------------------------
> >>From: Russell Grinker <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
> >>Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED]
> >>To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
> >>Subject: [BRC-NEWS] BOOK: Disciplining Democracy
> >>Date: Tue, 26 Jun 2001 04:12:00 -0400 (EDT)
> >>
> >>http://www.spiked-online.com/Articles/00000002D127.htm
> >>
> >>Spiked (UK)
> >>
> >>21 June 2001
> >>
> >>Ideology as Absurdity
> >>
> >>By Dr. Julie Hearn <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
> >>
> >>Finally - a book that neatly and intelligently dissects the
> >>democracy discourse that has come to dominate African
> >>political economy, and shows it for what it is: an absurdity
> >>with tragic consequences.
> >>
> >>In Disciplining Democracy: Development Discourse and Good
> >>Governance in Africa (1) Rita Abrahamsen, a lecturer at the
> >>University of Wales, systematically demonstrates the
> >>absurdity of attempting to construct a very limited form of
> >>procedural democracy in material conditions of widespread
> >>abject poverty. Abrahamsen builds her argument by positing
> >>and skilfully exploring three key aspects of Africa's
> >>political economy that mitigate against the development of
> >>democracy. She then examines the kind of minimal democracy
> >>that is being promoted in African countries, and concludes
> >>by showing the end-product of their union.
> >>
> >>The continent's political economy can be summed up in the
> >>following way: a situation of no growth, no control and no
> >>political will. Instead of addressing poverty, the
> >>structural adjustment era has brought a degree of
> >>macro-economic stability combined with permanent recession.
> >>African GDP has shrunk, living standards have worsened yet
> >>further, and growth remains as elusive as ever.
> >>
> >>The demos in Africa are dirt poor, unemployed, underemployed
> >>and desperate for an improvement in material living
> >>conditions. African governments do not have the sovereignty
> >>to choose any economic policy other than permanent
> >>'belt-tightening'.
> >>
> >>Abrahamsen shows how, in the case of Zambia,
> >>trade-union-based opposition leaders were forced to court
> >>donor policy. She writes about states being caught between
> >>two constituencies - donors and their own domestic
> >>constituency - with the donors always winning. This is the
> >>case where political parties do have their constituency in
> >>the poor. More often than not, opposition parties are just a
> >>form of recycled elites with no mass constituency, as in the
> >>case of Kenya. In this situation, Abrahamsen argues, they
> >>have as little interest in addressing the needs of the poor
> >>majority as do the donors.
> >>
> >>The kind of democracy being advanced by international and
> >>national elites is a form of democratic elitism - democracy
> >>with the demos deliberately taken out. The poor majority are
> >>not only incidental as political actors, but their needs are
> >>irrelevant to this redefinition of democracy.
> >>
> >>Abrahamsen traces the current conceptualisation of democracy
> >>to the writings of Max Weber, Joseph Schumpeter and more
> >>recent theorists of democratic elitism. For these
> >>ideologues, the goal is not active participation, but
> >>'stability' and the political containment of social
> >>deprivation. Mass political passivity, commonly and
> >>patronisingly referred to as 'apathy', is seen as positively
> >>helpful and even as an essential feature of stable
> >>democratic systems. Not only are the poor sidelined as
> >>active citizens, but their needs are delinked from
> >>democracy.
> >>
> >>Theorists of minimal democracy go so far as to argue that
> >>years of authoritarism have 'increased people's willingness
> >>to accept economic hardship in return for democratic
> >>freedoms'. Abrahamsen cites Karen Remmer, who writes of the
> >>'democracy of lowered expectations' in contrast to the
> >>'revolution of rising expectations' (2). In other words,
> >>minimal democracy has nothing to do with a better life for
> >>the poor majority.
> >>
> >>So what happens when you bring this vision of democracy to a
> >>continent entrenched in poverty? You undermine minimal
> >>democracy itself, and are left with a mockery of political
> >>rights. Governments that were unable to satisfy their
> >>domestic constituencies for lack of resources, control and
> >>political will, began to chip away at democratic principles
> >>and procedures in order to secure their own political
> >>survival.
> >>
> >>'It soon became apparent that many newly elected governments
> >>lacked the capacity or the willingness to tackle criticism,
> >>dissent and economically motivated protest without resorting
> >>to the authoritarian measures of the past', writes
> >>Abrahamsen. 'Africa's hard-won civil rights and political
> >>liberties were gradually eroded and abandoned' (3). This
> >>vindicates her observation that 'the stability of democratic
> >>capitalist polities everywhere is to a large extent
> >>contingent on social compensation to the poor, and in
> >>sub-Saharan Africa such compensation is prevented by
> >>sluggish growth' (4).
> >>
> >>Africa has borne the full brunt of capitalism's propensity
> >>to produce underdevelopment. The international elites cannot
> >>openly admit that capitalism has failed Africa historically
> >>- nor can they admit that each of their political projects
> >>to disguise the fact has exacerbated the problem further. So
> >>they are forced to construct an ideology of the absurd.
> >>
> >>This ideology's most recent form is the minimal democracy
> >>discourse that accompanies the policies of structural
> >>adjustment - that is, permanent recession. With the use of
> >>florid terms such as 'empowering the poor', spending on
> >>social services in Zambia was cut from 7.4 percent of GDP in
> >>1991 to 0.4 percent in 1993 (5). (No wonder, then, that a
> >>few years later 'basic needs' were rediscovered by the
> >>architects of the current poverty reduction discourse.)
> >>
> >>That such a blatantly unconvincing ideology ultimately fails
> >>to convince is not surprising. However, what does continue
> >>to surprise is the extent to which democrats around the
> >>world have believed the absurdity and legitimated it, thus
> >>allowing the ideas of the international elite to dominate.
> >>--
> >>
> >>Dr. Julie Hearn teaches development studies at the School of
> >>Oriental and African Studies, University of London.
> >>
> >>--
> >>
> >>(1) Disciplining Democracy: Development Discourse and Good
> >>Governance in Africa, Rita Abrahamsen, London: Zed Books,
> >>2000.
> >>
> >>(2) Disciplining Democracy: Development Discourse and Good
> >>Governance in Africa, Rita Abrahamsen, p79
> >>
> >>(3) Disciplining Democracy: Development Discourse and Good
> >>Governance in Africa, Rita Abrahamsen, p125
> >>
> >>(4) Disciplining Democracy: Development Discourse and Good
> >>Governance in Africa, Rita Abrahamsen, p77
> >>
> >>(5) Disciplining Democracy: Development Discourse and Good
> >>Governance in Africa, Rita Abrahamsen, p123
> >>
> >>Copyright (c) 2001 Spiked. All Rights Reserved.
> >>
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