>In a message dated 10/8/00 1:06:48 AM Eastern Daylight Time,
>[EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:
>
><< 'm afraid the Yugoslav model of market socialism & federalism, *in
> the course of devolution*, themselves laid the material and
> ideological grounds for the dissolution of Yugoslavia, as much as the
> IMF's SAPs, Western imperial geopolitics (especially the USA &
> Germany), NATO bombings, assorted nationalists on all sides, etc.
> did. >>
>
>Well, I never said I supported Titoist politics: he was pretty orthodox a
>Stalinist on the National Question, and the federalsim solution advocated by
>Marxism-Leninism is conducive to breakup in both planning and market systems,
>as we see in the former Soviet Union. Be that as it may. I still it is pretty
>eich to attack me for defending the markets socialist core of the former
>Yugoslav model, and then to defend its executioner, Milosovic, as a proponent
>of socialsm. Taht and not the merits of specific details of Yugoslavia's
>former arargngemenst is the issue. --jks
Well, as a matter of fact, I have never said that Milosevic is a
proponent of socialism (he is thought of as such in the Western mass
media & by the Serbian oppositions, however, which explains their
demonization of this figurehead), in my numerous posts on Yugoslavia
over the years. Milosevic as an individual politician is not the
point for the West in any case. Milosevic could have been a reliable
Western asset if he had been allowed to sell out; neither the Serbian
working class & rural masses (out of economic reasons & concern for
the fate of the Serbs in break-away ex-Yugo states) nor the West (out
of the conflict between its economic and geopolitical reasons)
allowed him to sell out as the pragmatic banker might have.
Milosevic, but for the Serbian working class & rural masses & Western
geopolitics, could have been a Kwasniewski:
***** New York Times, October 8, 2000
Polish Leader Is the Favorite for 2nd Term
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
CHELM, Poland, Oct. 7 - Nowadays, if hundreds of Poles throng a
flag-bedecked stage, thrusting pictures at the speaker for his
autographs, the center of attraction is not necessarily Pope John
Paul II, or the Solidarity founder, Lech Walesa, but Aleksander
Kwasniewski, a former Communist sports minister, who seems to be
coasting comfortably to a second term as president.
Mr. Kwasniewski, 46, is now Poland's best-loved politician and the
overwhelming favorite in Sunday's presidential election.
He regularly tops 60 percent in voter polls, while none of his dozen
challengers has managed much over 10 percent. Mr. Walesa, the
national hero whom Mr. Kwasniewski unseated in 1995, can barely
muster 3 percent, but is running anyway.
This week, Mr. Kwasniewski took a 10-point dive in at least one poll
after an opponent's ad showed a video of him appearing to mock the
hugely revered pope. Some pollsters believe the video may cost enough
votes to deny him the 50 percent needed to win outright and force a
runoff ballot. But few doubt that he will finish first on Sunday.
The post is largely ceremonial, but carries considerable moral
authority in this country of 39 million people. The president also
can veto legislation, as Mr. Kwasniewski did by blocking tax reforms
and a ban on pornography, inspired by the Roman Catholic Church,
which he said was oppressive and unenforceable.
While endorsing painful market reforms, he also has cast himself as
the champion of millions who believe they have suffered in the
tumultuous shift to capitalism.
Mr. Kwasniewski has a "warm voice, and he knows how to reach us,"
gushed Aneta Kozdra, 26, displaying a freshly autographed photo of
the president in Chelm. "I cannot imagine another president."
Mr. Kwasniewski transformed the former Communists into a Western-
style social democratic party that ran the country from 1993 to 1997
until Solidarity rebounded into government. Many believe next year's
parliamentary elections could return the social democrats to power.
On Sunday, Mr. Kwasniewski's main challengers are Solidarity's
current chairman, Marian Krzaklewski, and an independent economist,
Andrzej Olechowski. But both are far behind in opinion polls. *****
This did not happen in Serbia, in part because the West has given
more weight to geopolitical reason than economic reason (wars &
international sanctions are not conducive to privatization, you see).
Now that NATO has spectacularly expanded itself and gained valuable
bases in the Balkans (as well as setting precedents of its use of
military power outside Western Europe), however, the West can afford
to turn its attention to economy, while aiming for entrenching its
military presence in the Balkans.
***** New York Times, Oct. 8, 2000
THE SANCTIONS
Easing of Some Restrictions by West Could Happen Soon
By JOSEPH KAHN
..."The problem was Milosevic, Milosevic, Milosevic, now it's
economy, economy, economy," said Milan Panic, a Serbian-American who
runs California-based ICN Pharmaceuticals, which once owned one of
the largest private companies in Serbia. "This will be a major test
for the United States and Europe."... *****
***** Los Angeles Times, October 7, 2000
Yugoslavia Must Make Good on Reforms, U.S. Says
By ROBIN WRIGHT, Times Staff Writer
WASHINGTON--Despite almost giddy diplomatic euphoria over Slobodan
Milosevic's political demise, the United States cautioned Friday that
Yugoslavia still must act on several contentious issues before it
will be fully embraced by the outside world....
...At the top of the list is the full transfer of power. The process
is complicated by the fact that Kostunica is in charge of the federal
structure, but many of the instruments of power, including guns and
financial resources, are in the hands of the state government, which
he doesn't control. Yugoslavia is made up of two republics, Serbia
and Montenegro....
...Also high on the list of outstanding problems is the future of
Montenegro and Kosovo, a province of Serbia, both of which want to
change their status. Kostunica, a fervent nationalist who condemned
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization bombing of Yugoslavia in a
dispute over Kosovo last year, and still has deep ties to Serb
nationalists in Bosnia-Herzegovina, strongly favors keeping
Yugoslavia in one centralized piece....
...The new government also must begin restructuring Yugoslavia's
political and economic systems, a process that has been painful and
unpopular in much healthier parts of Eastern Europe.... *****
You are a delightful person to talk with when it comes to discussion
of philosophy, but, in this instance, your focus on individual
politicians has allowed you to neglect the big picture.
Yoshie
