Forwarded message: Date: Tue, 8 Nov 1994 09:01:31 EST Reply-To: Forum on Labor in the Global Economy <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Sender: Forum on Labor in the Global Economy <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> From: norma jo baker <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Subject: fascism in russian labour movement (fwd.) Following is an abridged version of an article entitled "Russian Fascism and Russian Fascists," which will appear in Russian Labour Review No. 4. Subscription information for Russian Labour Review can be found at the end of this article. FASCISM IN THE RUSSIAN LABOUR MOVEMENT By Kirill Buketov The spread of fascist ideology in the Russian labour movement has aroused particular alarm recently in trade union circles. The advance guard of fascism here is the leadership of the Confederation of Free Trade Unions of Russia (KSPR), which has signed an agreement with the fascist organization Russian National Unity (RNE) "to inculcate the Russian national idea in the labour movement" (for a more detailed account of these developments, see Russian Labour Review No. 3). It is unfortunate that for all the tears which have been shed over these events by the trade union and left press, there has not been a single article adressing the question of why the KSPR leaders lined up beneath the fascist banner. The fact is that apart from the objective causes that have fostered the rise of nationalist moods, there are also subjective reasons. The latter include a widespread desire for a renewal and radicalisation of the methods of trade union work. Until recently, the economic situation in the majority of Russian enterprises has not favoured a clear distinction between the interests of workers and bosses. Both had an interest in maintaining production, in saving their enterprises from total collapse, and in opposing the government's ruinous tax policies. In political matters, the directors therefore rested on the trade unions. Since the end of the first stage of privatisation, which saw the bulk of enterprises transformed in effect into the private property of their former managers, the bosses are behaving more and more like owners, thinking first and foremost of their own personal benefit. As a result, the specific interests (one could say class interests) of workers in the enterprises have come to be defined more clearly. The bosses are now autocratic sovereigns in their domains, and do not shrink from any infringement of the rights and simple human dignity of the workers. The old trade union methods are inadequate for resisting bosses of this type. Unions need to be able to speak to them in radical terms and from a position of strength. The old trade unions have become bogged down in internal wrangles, and despite reforms to their structures, are continuing to play the role of mutual aid societies in the enterprises. The new unions are rapidly losing their authority, as they become transformed into nomenklatura feed-troughs for so-called "workers' leaders". Unions of both types are falling behind the pace of events, and failing to address the new realities of Russian life. And here the blackshirts appear on the scene, telling workers: The main cause of the deteriorating situation is foreigners and Jews! The nation has to unite in resisting them! The interests of workers and employers need not be in conflict, only employers do not always understand this -- the only force that can make them act in the interests of the nation is the workers! Fascists are not in principle afraid of using any methods, and they are quite prepared to talk to employers from a position of strength, forcing enterprise directors to act as "social partners". What is involved here is something very different from the liberal "social partnership", which is sustained primarily by demagogic appeals for friendship between poor and rich, appeals which are issued mainly by the wealthy and which are liable at any moment to collapse should the social activism of the workers extend beyond certain bounds. The "partnership" of the fascists is based on physical force, and therefore has greater chances of success. Here let us again turn to the KSPR. The largest union affiliated to this organisation has about 2000 members, and is active in the Severstal metallurgical combine in the city of Cherepovets. Two other unions also operate at this enterprise; these are the old reformed union with about 12,000 members, and a new union which was set up with money from the AFL-CIO and which has about 300 members. The RNE became established at Severstal during a strike that took place in the spring of 1994. The struggle extended to physical clashes between workers and guards hired by the management, and the strike committee was naturally concerned about the methods to be used in the dispute and about possible allies. In the criminalised conditions that exist in Russia, any trade union work can be dangerous. "When we organised the strike," one of the members of the strike committee related, "I was scared even to step out of my home, the pressure on us was so great." Trying to intimidate the workers, the general director ordered searches to be conducted and checks to be carried out on personal possessions. For this purpose he hired special guards, whose pay was three times that of workers. There were cases when guards detained workers even outside the grounds of the enterprise. The plant was gradually transformed into a concentration camp. These tactics could only be resisted from a position of strength. It was at precisely this point that RNE members moved into action, coming to the enterprise and helping organise the stoppage in a disciplined fashion. In the process, they handed out their propaganda. After the strike had been won, the volunteer auxiliaries enjoyed increased authority. As a rule, however, the sympathy for the RNE among the workers went no further than this. Few workers paid any serious attention to the RNE's ideology. Fascism is thus taking root in Russia's trade union movement primarily because of the impotence of the existing trade unions. It is the general approach to trade union work employed by the fascists -- an approach that could be summed up as "Think radically and act decisively!" -- that is attracting workers to fascism, not the ideology. The main task of the trade union movement is to make this slogan its own, rejecting traditional conceptions of trade union work if this is what the situation requires. Only a militant organisation, employing the whole political arsenal of democratic radicalism, can stand up to the management thievery and arbitrariness that now holds sway in Russian enterprises. But for the moment, sadly, the Russian trade unions remain preoccupied with dividing up property, and with publishing tirades against one another in the pages of the newspapers. Reproduction in any form may be possible only if credited to RUSSIAN LABOUR REVIEW #4 ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Russian Labour Review - Voice of Russian Labour In North America, Write: RLR, P.O.Box 8461 Berkeley, CA 94707, USA Call: Ph. 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