EDITORIAL

A new Constitution by the people

    Fifty-eight years ago, on May 3, 1947, the postwar Constitution of Japan 
came into effect. Today this new national charter, underscored by its pacifist 
principles, is broadly accepted by the Japanese public. Yet, strange as it may 
seem, this is a constitution enacted by Imperial order, not by popular vote. 
According to a textbook definition, constitutions divide into two categories: 
those established by referendum and those promulgated by a king or emperor. The 
Japanese Constitution was promulgated on Nov. 3, 1946, under an Imperial edict 
in which the Emperor expressed "deep pleasure" that the foundation had been 
laid for the construction of a new Japan in accordance with the will of the 
Japanese people. 

It is not known exactly how the new charter was written in the immediate 
postwar years. What is clear, though, is that it represents, procedurally, a 
revision of the Meiji Constitution of 1889, also known as the Constitution of 
the Great Empire of Japan. 

The Japanese people participated only indirectly in the revision since the old 
Constitution had been approved by the Imperial Parliament. In other words, 
Japanese citizens were not given an opportunity to express their will 
individually, although the present Constitution makes clear that sovereign 
power "resides with the people." 

If a constitutional reform bill is put to a referendum, the Japanese people 
will formally exercise their right to create a constitution on their own for 
the first time since the end of World War II. Although that opportunity may not 
come anytime soon, how to change the Constitution is now a realistic question. 

Recently the constitutional research panels in both houses of the Diet released 
their final reports after completing five years of debate. Although wide 
differences remain -- particularly on the issue of national security -- there 
is no doubt that points of argument have been sorted out. 

The ruling Liberal Democratic Party, which observes its 50th anniversary this 
autumn, is planning to unveil a draft of the new Constitution it envisions. The 
Democratic Party of Japan, the largest opposition group, is moving toward 
drafting its own revision plan. Any amendment, however, must be approved by 
referendum, as stated in the Constitution. Currently, however, no specific 
rules are established for holding such a popular vote. So the LDP and its 
coalition partner, New Komeito, are pushing for a "national referendum bill." 
The DPJ is reportedly moving in the same direction. 

It is important that the proposed legislation sets the kind of ground rules 
that allow for effective voter participation in the constitutional amendment 
process. For that purpose, a number of specific questions need to be addressed: 
First is whether a referendum should be held on specific changes or general 
issues. Second, what should be the minimum age of eligible voters? Should it be 
20 or 18? Third, how soon should a referendum be held after it is proposed? 
Fourth, should restrictions be imposed on the media, such as banning 
publication of advance opinion polls? 

On the first question, the coalition plan remains vague. It says only that 
decisions will be made later during the drafting of an amendment bill. The DPJ 
is also undecided. The Social Democratic Party believes that voters should 
express their views on specific changes. 

The question boils down to this: What is the best method of allowing the people 
to create their own constitution? Answers are complicated by the diversity of 
issues involved, ranging from the war-renouncing Article 9 to the right to a 
clean environment. 

Many people, while opposing any change to the article, want to see the 
environmental right included. Others are wary of codifying too many rights in 
the national charter. Still others maintain that the law should explicitly 
state the right to self-defense. 

Given such divergent opinions, a "package" referendum that sets aside specific 
questions would only confuse the voters. In such a general ballot, many may 
vote no, thinking that it is better to keep the status quo, or yes if they feel 
that change will somehow improve things. 

Since such a referendum could not accurately reflect the will of the people, it 
may be that politicians aiming for a package vote want to change the 
controversial Article 9 under cover of generally acceptable proposals, such as 
inserting the environmental right. Holding a referendum on an item-by-item 
basis will be best. 

Imposing media restrictions is out of the question. The worry is that, in 
extreme cases, reporting in favor of certain constitutional changes might be 
prohibited. For the people to choose a constitution of their own, it is 
essential to allow free and active expression of opinion as well as freedom of 
the press. 

The Japan Times: May 4, 2005
(C) All rights reserved 


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