Satu tulisan yang menarik. Mungkin aspek2 yang mendasari kemajuan China bisa 
diambil sebagai pembelajaran buat RI.
   
  Tapi seperti di beritakan diachir tulisan ini yang menceritakan  apa yang 
dikatakan oleh Dheng Xiaoping kepada visiting president Ghana Jerry 
Rawlings.......persyaratan yang mendukung kemajuan China tidak bisa di copy 
mentah2. Semua negara punya kondisinya sendiri2 .
   
  Rupanya memang peristiwa majunya China ini akan menjadi suatu  event yang 
amat penting dalam sejarah dunia. Kenapa? Karena dari negara deldel duwel, 
dalam masa 2 dasa warsa bisa memberikan kebanggaan dan kemajuan ekonomi bagi 
rakyatnya.
  Pikir2 China mendahulukan realisme ketimbang dogma2.
   
  Harry Adinegara
  


  

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        The allure of the Chinese model    
  Wei-Wei Zhang / International Herald Tribune
  Published: November 1, 2006
  

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  BEIJING: Many of the African leaders coming here for the Chinese-African 
summit meeting are attracted not only by opportunities for aid and trade, but 
also by the Chinese model of development.
  They know that only three decades ago, China was as poor as Malawi. But while 
the latter remains among the world's poorest, China's economy has expanded 
nine-fold. Indeed, the Chinese model has in many ways challenged the 
conventional wisdom in the West on how to fight poverty and ensure good 
governance. Its key features are:
  People matter. Since 1978, China has pursued a down-to-earth strategy for 
modernization, and has focused on meeting the most pressing needs of the 
people. The architect of China's reform, Deng Xiaoping, argued that China could 
only "seek truth from facts," not from dogmas, and all reforms must take 
account of local conditions and deliver tangible benefits.
  Constant experimentation. All changes in China first go through a process of 
trial and error on a small scale, and only when they are shown to work are they 
are applied elsewhere.
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  Other Views: Haaretz, Business Times, The Economist

  


  Gradual reform, not big bang. China rejected "shock therapy" and worked 
through the existing, imperfect institutions while gradually reforming them and 
reorienting them to serve modernization.
  A developmental state. China's change has been led by a strong and 
pro-development state that is capable of shaping national consensus on 
modernization and ensuring overall political and macroeconomic stability in 
which to pursue wide-ranging domestic reforms.
  Selective learning. China has retained its long tradition of "selective 
cultural borrowing" - including from the neoliberal American model, and 
especially its emphasis on the role of the market, entrepreneurship, 
globalization and international trade. It is inaccurate to describe the Chinese 
model as the "Beijing consensus" versus the "Washington consensus." What makes 
the Chinese experience unique is that Beijing has safeguarded its own policy 
space as to when, where and how to adopt foreign ideas.
  Correct sequencing and priorities. China's post- 1978 change has had a clear 
pattern: easy reforms first, difficult ones second; rural reforms first, urban 
ones second; changes in coastal areas first, inland second; economic reforms 
first, political ones second. The advantage is that the experiences gained in 
the first stage create conditions for the next stage.
  Over the past 25 years, I've traveled to more than 100 countries, most of 
them developing countries, including 18 in Africa. I have concluded that in 
terms of eradicating poverty and helping the poor and the marginalized, the 
Chinese model, however imperfect, has worked far more effectively than what can 
be called the American model, as represented by the IMF-designed Structural 
Adjustment Program (SAP) for sub-Saharan Africa and the "shock therapy" for 
Russia.
  The American model is largely ideology driven, with a focus on mass 
democratization. With little regard to local conditions, it treats sub-Saharan 
Africa or other less developed countries as mature societies in which Western 
institutions will automatically take root. It imposed liberalization before 
safety nets were set up; privatization before regulatory frameworks were put in 
place, and democratization before a culture of political tolerance and rule of 
law was established. The end result has often been discouraging or even 
devastating.
  The paramount task for most developing countries is how to eradicate poverty, 
a root cause of conflicts and various forms of extremism. What they usually 
need is not a liberal democratic government, but a good government capable of 
fighting poverty and delivering basic services and basic security.
  Furthermore, conditions for a liberal democratic government - rule of law, a 
sizable middle class, a well-educated population, a culture of political 
tolerance - are simply absent in most poor countries. Enforcing premature 
democratization on them often leads to what Fareed Zakaria has called 
"illiberal democracies," or worse, ethnic and sectarian conflicts.
  So long as the American model remains unable to deliver the desired outcome, 
as shown so clearly in failures from Haiti to the Philippines to Iraq, the 
Chinese model will become more appealing to the world's poor.
  I well remember Deng telling the visiting president of Ghana, Jerry Rawlings, 
in September 1985: "Please don't copy our model. If there is any experience on 
our part, it is to formulate policies in light of one's own national 
conditions."
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