Islam's makeover
Sep 21st 2006 , From The Economist print edition

Why some Britons are embracing Islam


CONVERTS to Islam have an image problem. Women who don
Islamic garb are often pitied for their submissive
lives behind the veil. And a handful of converts,
mostly men, have been implicated in terrorist plots.
Even the pope has waded in: on September 12th he
appeared to link Islam to “violent conversion” in a
speech. He apologised five days later, after riots in
many countries with Muslim populations.

Some commentators in London , too, have taken to
worrying that the British establishment is enthralled
by Islam. They point to Joe Ahmed-Dobson, the son of a
former government minister, and Yahya Birt, the son of
a former BBC boss. These worries grew when it emerged
last month that three of the 25 Muslims arrested on
suspicion of involvement in a plot to blow up planes
over London were new believers. And this, in turn,
appeared to bear out a government report, leaked in
July, which said that converts were being wooed by
radical Muslims. 

Yet statistics to substantiate the fear that “reds
under the bed” have been replaced by hordes of
traitorous new Muslims are sparse. The 2001 census in
Scotland , unlike the exercises in England and Wales ,
included a question on current and former religious
beliefs. Yahya Birt, a research fellow at the Islamic
Foundation, a think-tank in Leicester , established
that 3% of Scottish Muslims were converts. He used
those figures to estimate that in Britain as a whole
around 14,200 believers are converts—only 1% of the
country's 1.6m Muslims. Converting Britons to Islam is
hardly a boom industry, he says. “Islam is one of the
items in the supermarket of faiths, but the rate of
conversion is not spectacular.”

Unlike some Christian sects, Islam eschews heavy
proselytising. One group, the Islamic Propagation
Society, is typically low-key in seeking converts. Its
members set up trestle tables at weekends in several
big cities and hand out leaflets. Umar Tate, its
chief, says that media interest brings them “good
business”. The pope's speech has attracted many to
their stalls, he says.

Academic insight into why Britons convert is also
sparse. A researcher from Leeds University , Myfanwy
Franks, questioned converts before and after the
attack on America in September 2001. She suggests that
the appeal of Islam is changing. Before that date many
were drawn to Sufism, a mystical and relatively
tolerant strand of Islam. Her work since then suggests
that new converts prefer a more austere form of the
religion.

Rebecca Masterson, once Catholic, became a Muslim six
years ago and has interviewed women converts for a
research project at London University . Some embrace
Islam, she said, because in an increasingly raunchy
Britain they dislike being seen as sexual objects—the
veil frees them from the male gaze. Many male
converts, who include men of Afro-Caribbean stock,
prize the Muslim family model in which men are
idealised as dignified providers and protectors, she
says. Other studies suggest that Islam has helped
people escape from drugs and alcohol. Men are more
likely than women, it seems, to react against British
policy in the Middle East by embracing a violent form
of Islam.

Many converts praise the recent mini-industry that has
sprung up to help them adapt. There are now
“New-Muslim projects” in most British cities. Miss
Masterson says that her life has changed completely
since her conversion—she wears a headscarf and gown,
and would rather socialise with Muslim “sisters” than
spend time unchaperoned with men. Luckily for single
converts, a number of matrimonial agencies offer help
to those seeking love. 

The New-Muslim project in Leicester offers advice on
“coming out” as a believer to non-Muslim relations,
who are often appalled by the news. It offers guidance
on dress and practices such as ritual washing and hair
removal—and on including non-Muslims in weddings and
funerals.

On September 20th the home secretary, John Reid, was
heckled at a meeting with Muslim parents by an angry
convert, Abu Izzadeen—hardly the peaceful image of
Islam that most Muslims are after. Converts of any
sort tend towards an excess of zeal. But not all
do—and they might be the very people to bridge the
increasingly dangerous gap between Britain 's Muslim
minority and its nervous mainstream.

======================================== 
The pope and Islam 

When the heavens open
Sep 21st 2006 | ROME 
>From The Economist print edition
 
An ill-judged quotation about Islam has obscured a
more serious message 

HE HAD to wait six centuries, but Emperor Manuel II
Palaeologus has his revenge. Manuel, who ruled the
Byzantine empire in 1391-1425, ended his days after
signing a humiliating peace with the Ottoman Turks,
the rising Muslim power of his day, who within three
decades of his death would destroy the empire
entirely.

In a university lecture at Regensburg on September
12th, Pope Benedict XVI conjured up the memory of the
emperor by recalling his views on Islam. Citing a
hitherto obscure 14th-century text, the pope quoted
Manuel as saying: “Show me just what Muhammad brought
that was new, and there you will find things only evil
and inhuman, such as his command to spread by the
sword the faith he preached.”

The theme of the pope's lecture was a favourite one:
the link between faith and reason which, he said,
implied a rejection of any link between religion and
violence. The pope later insisted the whole point of
his address was to appeal for a dialogue with Islam.
But many Muslims concluded that this was a pretty odd
way to go about it, and demands for an apology soon
poured in. For a few tense days, it looked as if the
affair could spiral out of control, rather as happened
earlier this year after a Danish newspaper had
published cartoons lampooning Muhammad, when more than
100 people died in violent protests round the world.

he breadth of the front against the pope was
remarkable. Fundamentalist fanatics were there, raving
about conquering Rome and putting Christians to the
sword. But so too were representatives of some of the
more moderate governments in the Muslim world,
including those of Morocco , Turkey and Malaysia . By
mid-week, however, a swift response from the Vatican
seemed to have contained, if not neutralised, the
controversy. In a statement issued first on his behalf
and then twice in person, the pontiff expressed deep
regret for the offence that had been taken. He
vigorously denied sharing Manuel's view of Islam.

In Somalia an Italian nun was shot dead. But it was
unclear if her murder was a reprisal for the pope's
remarks. The pontiff's critics grumbled that he had
not really apologised. But his protestations
nevertheless represented an unusual degree of
expiation by a pope, whose views on some issues can be
proclaimed infallible.

The European Commission's spokesman made the obvious
point: that Pope Benedict should be free to say what
he wants. But freedom is one thing, advisability quite
another. The dust may be settling on this dispute more
quickly than it might have done. But there are reasons
to fear that the damage it has done could turn out to
be enduring.

Until now the Vatican has been remarkably successful
in ensuring that, even if some sort of “clash of
civilisations” is in progress, it need not turn into a
clash of religions. Benedict's predecessor, John Paul
II, understood that what radical Muslims most resent
about the West is not its Christianity, but its
rampant secularism. Osama bin Laden may have blustered
that the American-led invasions of Afghanistan and
Iraq were a new “crusade”. But, although George Bush
at one point played into his hands by carelessly using
that very word, the view that Muslims were victims of
a new holy war was impossible to sustain so long as
the most influential Christian leader was openly
critical of the fighting. By opposing both the bombing
of Afghanistan and the invasion of Iraq , Pope John
Paul made sure that the world's biggest Christian
faith was not linked in Muslim minds with its only
superpower.

Pope Benedict's ill-judged quotation now risks
blurring, if not erasing, that carefully-constructed
distinction. Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran 's supreme
leader, whose opinions carry some weight among the
world's 230m Shia Muslims, pounced on the pope's
remarks. He claimed they were just the latest
development in the “crusade against Islam” launched by
Mr Bush.

Such an allegation will, unfortunately, seem all too
credible to many Muslims, because of the pope's
record. On the one hand he is a keen proponent of the
view that Europe 's identity is essentially Christian.
In 2004, while he was still a cardinal, he declared
that Turkey should not be admitted to the European
Union. On the other, since becoming pope, he has
repeatedly signalled a rejection of the unconditional
dialogue favoured by his predecessor. In particular,
he has packed the previous pontiff's top expert on
Islam off to Cairo and merged the Vatican 's
department for inter-religious dialogue into its
“ministry” of culture.

Yet it has also become clear that Islam is near the
top of Pope Benedict's agenda. He is planning a visit
to Turkey in November. On the very day that the latest
crisis erupted, he confirmed as his new “foreign
minister” a Moroccan-born archbishop, Dominique
Mamberti, who has spent most of his diplomatic career
in Muslim-ruled countries.
When compared with John Paul II, the difference is not
that Benedict, who was once a professor at a German
university, rejects any discussions with Muslims. It
is rather that he seeks to fill them with meaty,
challenging substance. This is what he meant when,
after lamenting the reaction to his words on September
17th, he added that he wanted a dialogue that was
“frank and sincere”.

There are two points he is especially keen to make.
One is that Christians in many Muslim countries do not
have the same religious freedom that is enjoyed by
most Muslims in the West. The other is that too many
Islamic clerics seem to sanction or at least tolerate
violence in the name of religion. This was central to
his Regensburg lecture in which, as he later said, “I
wished to explain that not religion and violence, but
religion and reason go together.”
The value of that point in the present state of the
world can hardly be overstated. It is sad that it
should have been put in such an inept way that the
only answers came in the form of burnt effigies,
grisly threats—and a great deal of sincerely outraged
protest.

=============================================
Muslims in Minnesota 

Finding a voice
Sep 21st 2006 | MINNEAPOLIS 
>From The Economist print edition


Coming soon, the first minaret and the first
congressman


ON SEPTEMBER 8th ground was broken for the new Masjid
An-Nur mosque in north Minneapolis , from which the
first minaret seen in Minnesota will pierce the
prairie sky. A few days later one of the mosque's more
famous worshipers, Keith Ellison, won the state's
Democratic primary in the deeply Democratic 5th
District. In so doing, Mr Ellison will almost
certainly become America 's first Muslim congressman,
as well as the first black to represent anywhere in
Minnesota . 

In this once lily-white Lutheran state, these two
events point to deep changes. More immigrants arrived
in Minnesota in 2005 than in any of the past 25 years.
Immigrants from Muslim countries, especially Somalia
and Ethiopia , have made up a sizeable part of this
wave. Estimates of the number of Muslims in Minnesota
range from 40,000 to more than 100,000 and perhaps as
many as 150,000. 

These are big numbers for a state that had a tiny
Muslim population just ten years ago. All the same,
one might think that another state with a larger
concentration of Muslims— Michigan , perhaps—would
have produced a Muslim member of Congress sooner. Four
Muslims ran for seats in 2004, two for the Senate and
two for the House, but none made it out of the
primaries. 

The difference in Minnesota seemed to be a
sophisticated grassroots campaign, which turned out
thousands of new immigrants who had never before
voted, or done anything in politics, on a day normally
dominated by hard-core party insiders. That machine is
the political legacy of Senator Paul Wellstone, who
died in a plane crash in 2002. Within a month of his
death his supporters established Wellstone Action,
which has more than 100,000 members and has trained
almost 11,000 people in grassroots campaigning methods
and progressive political action. 
New immigrants, many of whom were Muslims, seem to
have accounted for thousands of the voters who turned
up on primary night to support Mr Ellison. Without
those votes, he might well not have prevailed over his
closest opponent, Mike Erlandson, the former chairman
of the Democratic Farmer-Labour Party (DFL). 

Those Muslim connections, of course, are also fodder
for his rivals. Mr Ellison is a former criminal
defence lawyer and state representative who converted
from Catholicism to Islam when he was 19. In 1995 he
helped to organise the Million Man March—a gathering
of blacks in Washington to proclaim unity and
responsibility—and thus found himself in the orbit of
Louis Farrakhan, the head of the Nation of Islam, who
is notorious for his anti-Semitic rantings.

Mr Ellison says he has never met Mr Farrakhan.
Nonetheless, his Republican opponents and a cadre of
conservative bloggers are making merry with his past
associations. The Republican Party recently dubbed the
DFL “the party of Ellison.” That may be close to the
truth. Progressives welcome him as a refreshing change
from the party stalwarts who, in recent years, have
tended to lose races. 

Muslim Democrats see in Mr Ellison someone who can
stick up for them as they face suspicion and
intimidation. Many of them supported him quietly, for
fear of a backlash. But his victory may bring them out
into the open—not only in Minnesota , but across the
country. 


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