BBC News Africa

24 February 2011 Last updated at 15:00 GMT

What future would a post-Gaddafi Libya face?
By Alison Pargeter Analyst and writer on the Middle East and North Africa

The Gaddafi regime is seemingly on its last legs in Libya, questions are 
inevitably being raised about what comes next.

But this is a country where the trappings of a normal state simply do not apply.

Col Muammar Gaddafi created such a personalised system of governing that he 
left no space for anything beyond himself, his family and the narrow ruling 
elite, many of whom were drawn from his own tribe, the Qadhadhfa.

Unlike in Tunisia or Egypt, those forces that could have helped to smooth the 
transition process such as political parties, trades unions, opposition groups 
or civil society organisations simply do not exist in Libya.

Indeed the country has been notable for its almost total lack of functioning 
institutions, as all power has been concentrated so heavily around the "Brother 
Leader".

This personality cult goes some way to explain why Col Gaddafi is going to 
fight to the death. Although his power is weakening as the opposition is moving 
ever closer, he still holds Tripoli, his traditional power base.

Yet were he to cling on to the city his ability to govern would be almost 
non-existent. His actions over the past few days have destroyed any remnants of 
credibility he and his regime might have had and repression alone is unlikely 
to be enough to keep him in place.
Revenge attacks

All this leaves Libya in a major predicament. There is no obvious unifying 
force or personality who could step in and take over, leaving the risk of a 
major power vacuum.

This would see various players, primarily tribal leaders, seeking to assert 
themselves, or at least to take control of their own areas.
Protester with a machine gun in Tobruk, Libya (22 Feb 2011) Many protesters are 
now armed, bringing fears the violence could escalate

Given the long history of antagonism between Libya's tribes, this is unlikely 
to be a harmonious process. It will not be helped either by the weapons that 
are already circulating among the protesters, suggesting that violence is a 
serious possibility.

Indeed some Libyans fear that the country may descend into anarchy and chaos 
or, in the worst case scenario, civil war.

While civil war is probably rather exaggerated, conflict and violence are a 
real possibility. In such a scenario revenge attacks are also likely.

Those involved in Col Gaddafi's notorious security forces, including the hated 
Revolutionary Committees movement, are unlikely to escape unscathed.

The prospect of armed gangs and remnants of the Gaddafi regime battling it out 
with other interested parties does not bode well for the future.

To avoid such chaos some Libyans are looking to the army to save the day by 
ousting Col Gaddafi and overseeing a transition process.

However, Libya's army is unprofessional, divided and has been purposefully kept 
weak by Gaddafi over the years in a bid to avoid any possible coup attempt. 
Moreover, as yet there are few signs that the army is withdrawing its support 
for the regime.

Nevertheless, some elements from within the armed forces have defected to the 
protesters, along with a handful of senior government figures and diplomats.

Libya's best hope may lie in these figures, who in conjunction with 
representatives from other walks of Libyan life may be able to smooth the way 
after Gaddafi.

These representatives would include members of the opposition abroad, 
pro-reform intellectuals and members of the formal religious establishment who 
were quick to support the protesters in the early days.

Such a collection of figures would need to work closely with tribal leaders to 
try to safeguard the country.

However, such a scenario is not without its problems.

Whether such disparate groups with so much history of antagonism could come 
together and reach a consensus is questionable.

More importantly while those in the west of Libya may well support former army 
officers and regime members, these figures will be far less palatable to 
easterners.

The east has long had a troubled relationship to the regime and to the west 
more broadly, and its inhabitants are likely to reject any solution that 
appears to continue domination by those associated with the west.

There are even suggestions, which are not entirely without foundation, that the 
east may break away and form its own independent region. Such attempts would be 
likely to result in further chaos and bloodshed.
Oil fears

Libya clearly has an upward struggle on its hands. How the international 
community will deal with events has yet to be seen.
Refugees from Libya board a bus in Jdir, Tunisia (23 Feb 2011) Refugees are 
already flooding across Tunisia's borders with Tunisia and Egypt

A collapsed state in Libya would clearly have serious implications for Europe 
in particular, not least over issues related to oil supply and illegal 
immigration.

Perhaps its best bet would be to reach out to those forces capable of managing 
a transition, offering support and assistance with state-building in the longer 
term. Such support will be crucial if Libya is to survive the post-Gaddafi era.

Meanwhile, neighbouring countries will be eyeing developments closely.

A destabilised Libya is the last thing that Tunisia and Egypt want as they 
struggle through their own transition processes.

While there will be no love lost at the fall of Col Gaddafi, both states are 
likely to be concerned about economic issues, given that Libya has long been a 
source of employment for thousands of Egyptians and Tunisians, and cross-border 
trade is also important.

As for the wider region, Gaddafi is commonly regarded as a buffoon and few 
would mourn his passing.

Yet the triumph of people power in Libya would resonate loudly around the 
region, not least in Algeria, serving both as a warning to regimes and as a 
beacon of hope to populations still longing for change.




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