Why it's wrong to stereotype Muslims as extremists and fanatics

Most Muslims are conservative but this does not mean they are radicals and, 
indeed, reformers have traditionally formed a large minority in the Islamic 
world
By Muhammad Habash

Tuesday, Dec 27, 2005,Page 9


Advertising  The dominance of conservative Islam in the Middle East reflects 
a fundamental reality of Muslim society. But this conservatism should not be 
mistaken for violent radicalism, as America, unfortunately, has done. While 
conservatism may claim a majority of the "Arab street" (and the Persian 
street), this does not mean that violence and terrorism will inevitably rule 
the region.

A recent study published in Damascus by the Center of Islamic Studies 
pointed out that conservatives make up about 80 percent of the population of 
the Middle East's Islamic societies. Reformers make up most of the other 20 
percent. Radicals can count on support from no more than 1 percent of the 
population. In my view, these rough proportions have been stable throughout 
ten centuries of Islamic history, with slight differences.

Islamic terminology has been established to describe these differences. 
Radicals first emerged as Khawarij, a fanatical group dating to the first 
century of Islam, which used accusations of blasphemy -- and violence -- to 
suppress even small differences of opinion. Today's conservatives are known 
among religious scholars as "People of the Letter" -- those who adhere to 
the letter of the Islamic texts. Reformists, as they are known today, are 
the equivalent of "People of Intellect."

`Traditions of Islamic conservatism obligate Muslims to be just in their 
treatment of non-Muslims.'



The difference between Muslim conservatives and reformists can be measured 
in two ways: their stance on the possibility of making personal judgments on 
religious matters (known in religious terms as "diligence") and their 
attitude towards non-Muslims.

Conservatives believe that the revealed law was settled during the glorious 
days of Islam, and that individual interpretation should therefore be 
restricted. As a result, they don't look for new solutions to the problems 
that Muslims now face. Banks and insurance companies are to be avoided, on 
the theory that their activities are usurious and thus prohibited. Likewise, 
head covering for Muslim women is considered a requirement.

For conservatives, Islamic law is based on the Koran and the verified 
sayings and doings (the Sunnah) of the Prophet Mohammed, as these are 
unanimously viewed by respected scholars. Thus, conservatives reject 
democracy, because it subjects the will of God to popular opinion. For them, 
the ultimate authority within a society is God's revelation to the people.

Reformists, on the other hand, argue that individual judgment -- diligence 
-- is permissible, and that society is empowered to make choices based on 
contemporary needs, regardless of the opinions of previous religious 
scholars. Reformists also take an expansive view of religious law (Shariah), 
incorporating ideas of public welfare within a continually developing 
legislative process.

Thus, for reformists, banks and insurance companies serve the welfare of 
society, and this takes precedence over a traditional reading of religious 
texts. They also adopt a liberal attitude toward women's head covering, as 
well as their political participation and travel, which should be determined 
individually. Finally, reformists see no contradiction between democracy and 
Islamic teaching, though democracy does conflict with centuries of tradition 
governing how Muslims actually have been ruled.

As for attitudes toward non-Muslims (or non-practicing Muslims, for that 
matter), conservatives believe that the coming of Islam abrogated all other 
religions, while reformists believe that Islam completes other religions, 
but does not invalidate or disprove them. Conservatives draw their proofs 
from the texts of the Koran, while reformists argue that the Koran mentions 
and recognizes both the Old and New Testaments.

In this manner, the reformists reject an Islamic monopoly on salvation, 
paradise, or the truth. They believe that the ways to God and paradise are 
numerous. Conservatives, by contrast, are unyielding on this point, 
believing that there is but one path to God, and that salvation comes only 
through following Islamic teachings.

However, conservatives do not support the use of violence against 
non-Muslims. On the contrary, the jurisprudential traditions of Islamic 
conservatism obligate Muslims to be just in their treatment of non-Muslims. 
Thus, conservatives and reformists agree that the rights of others should be 
observed and preserved.

Although radicals represent no more than 1 percent of the Muslim population, 
their influence is based on the widening effects of their violence and their 
rejection of compromise. The radicals totally repudiate the Other, and do 
not see a place for the non-Muslim either in heaven or on Earth. This stance 
sanctions the use of violence against the Other, whether Christian, Jew, or 
even other Muslims who do not share their beliefs.

This devotion to violence stands on two legs: radical culture and injustice. 
When radical culture prevails, it brings people over to violence. And the 
extremism of radical culture is fueled by the many inequities and grievances 
that face the peoples of the Middle East.

Unfortunately, Iraq has become a breeding ground for radical Islam, owing to 
the brutality that the Iraqi people suffered under Saddam Hussein and now at 
the hands of the occupation forces. But this scenario is not limited to 
Muslims. Radicalism threatens any society where human dignity is lost and 
human rights mean nothing.


Muhammad Habash, a member of the Syrian Parliament, is director of the 
Islamic Studies Center in Damascus.

http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/editorials/archives/2005/12/27/2003286255




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